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The Federal Republic of APC, By Simon Kolawole

Is the All Progressives Congress (APC) the new MTN? Everywhere you go, it is APC. This would have been funny if not that we are discussing the state of party politics in Nigeria, where 31 out of 36 governors are now fully nestled in the ruling party. Although Senator Bala Mohammed, governor of Bauchi state, is still in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), it may be a matter of time for him to join the APC train if he is able to resolve his differences with his bitter rivals in the state chapter of the party. As things stand, all northern states, minus Bauchi, are governed by the APC. In the south, the PDP controls only Oyo, while the Labour Party and the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) are in charge of Abia and Anambra respectively. The Accord Party governs Osun. The rest is under the APC.

I have a hunch of where the sympathies of Governor Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra and Alex Otti of Abia lie — which may not make good reading for the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the “opposition coalition party” as we call it. If not that Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun has some diehard enemies in the state chapter of the APC, he too would probably have been in the party today instead of the Accord that he chose. Effectively, almost every state of the federation will be under the control of — or aligned to — the ruling party by the time we hold the 2027 general election. You cannot blame the APC for becoming so big. Politics is, after all, a game of numbers. As the Yoruba would say, you cannot be angry that your blessings are multiplying. The APC is really having a ball.

I have a fair idea of why PDP governors are trooping to the APC. They are not defecting for the same reason, but the judicial decimation of the PDP is a major factor. I do not know if we recollect that in 2019, Alhaji Mukhtar Shehu Idris of the APC won the governorship election in Zamfara state, defeating PDP’s Alhaji Bello Matawalle by a score of 534,541 to 189,452. Senator Kabir Marafa’s faction in the APC approached the courts to argue that Idris was not properly nominated. The Supreme Court then declared all primaries conducted by Idris’ faction null and void and cancelled the results of all APC candidates in the state, from the house of assembly to the national assembly. That was how all PDP candidates were declared winners, and Matawalle became the state governor.

Today, with the help of Chief Nyesom Wike, the PDP has been extensively cannibalised and it is becoming glaring to most governors who the courts will eventually support. What any governor does not want is to be nominated as PDP’s flag bearer and go on to win the election only to get the Zamfara treatment. It is already happening. In many states, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has refused to recognise the nominees of some parties, including the PDP. On Monday, the appeal court in Abuja stopped INEC from recognising the Kabiru Turaki faction of the PDP. On Thursday, the appeal court in Akure recognised the PDP governorship candidate in Ekiti based on the primary conducted by the same Turaki faction. What else is the meaning of confusion?

But if incumbent governors who want to seek re-election — such as Governor Dauda Lawal of Zamfara — are flocking to the APC, what about those who have no other term to seek — like Governor Adamu Fintiri of Adamawa? At least, they have nothing to lose. Well, that would be a naïve reading. Every governor wants to install a successor, so the Zamfara treatment can still apply. Also, not many governors want to sleep in “German cell” after leaving office in 2027. Therefore, many governors and their associates are flocking to the APC not because they love the ruling party so much or believe that the party is better than theirs. It is simply a flight to safety. The way we play politics in Nigeria, especially in the last few years, it is much safer to be on the good side of the incumbency.

Meanwhile, having 31 governors does not automatically translate to winning 31 states in the presidential or governorship election. That is not how it works. We have seen states vote differently in local and national elections at the same time. We have seen states where sitting governors lose their own elections or fail to deliver to their parties in the presidential poll. It is said that all politics is local. That is the why I am not really worried about the one-party state fears. It will never work in Nigeria. After all, the PDP once controlled about 30 states. Nigeria is too diverse to be compressed into a single party. As Waziri Adio once argued, what we have is a dominant party system not a one-party state. In that case, we should expect some recalibrations during and after the 2027 elections.

As I have said, I cannot begrudge the APC for enlarging its coast. This is politics, isn’t it? In the end, I blame the politicians who do not have the stomach for the long haul. Many cannot lift a finger to fight for what they believe in. They are not ready to be in the political wilderness for one minute. They always want the easy way out. When President Bola Tinubu was in the opposition, he was ready to face the federal fire. He indeed faced the federal fire. He was the only survivor when the PDP swept the south-west in 2003. He gathered the remnants, rebuilt his machinery, and held on through thick and thin until the APC was born in 2013. It is ironic that the same APC is now cornering the political space. It is tragic that there seems to be no new Tinubu on the other side. It is what it is.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

WAR WITHOUT END

US President Donald Trump’s war on Iran has predictably thrown the global economy into turmoil. Nigerians are being badly affected at a time we are still struggling to get ourselves together. The disruption in the oil market has impacted everybody, with high fuel costs hitting motorists. Nigeria cannot even enjoy much benefit from high oil prices because our production has fallen. The saddest thing is that it is not a war the US and Israel can win. Long after the bombing has gone quiet, the consequences usually shimmer and linger. Fifteen years after NATO pummelled Libya to pieces, Malians, Nigerians, Nigeriens and Burkinabés are still suffering from the terrorism aftermath. Sad.

NOT BOWLED OVER

Mr Daniel Bwala’s encounter with Mr Mehdi Hassan on Al Jazeera’s Head to Head interview has been dominating political discourse. The special adviser to President Bola Tinubu on policy communication did not have a great outing as he could not provide convincing answers to the hard questions on insecurity. That Bwala has spent time trying to deodorise his outing is an indication that he knew it was a disaster. I have read many post-mortem analyses. Let me now add my own: he was talking as a politician and lawyer, whereas it was a communication job he needed to do. Denying the obvious is the job of politicians, but providing context and nuances is what a communicator does. Authenticity.

ROCK N’ TOLL

If you want to understand why Nigeria is like this, you don’t need to go too far — just take a look at the quality of policy making. How do you just impose a new toll payment system at the airports without trialling it, doing a dry run or providing a fail-safe option? The Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) — by far the worst airport managers of all the countries I have visited — simply threw a spanner in the wheel and created chaos for travellers. It took a presidential order for them to come back to their senses. Our policymakers hardly think about the pain they inflict on Nigerians with their ill thought-out policies — as if we are animals. Is this the best this country has to offer? Disastrous.

NO COMMENT

Section 182(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) clearly states: “A person who was sworn in as governor to complete the term for which another person was elected as governor shall not be elected to such office for more than a single term.” In 2023, Chief Lucky Aiyedatiwa was sworn in to complete the tenure of the late Rotimi Akeredolu and was elected for his own term in 2025. Some people still went court seeking interpretation. Maybe judges should start jailing people for wasting precious their time (jokes). The court ruled that he cannot run again, but Aiyedatiwa said he would consult with his lawyers on his next move. Just when you thought you had seen it all. Hahahaha…

Man narrates how he escaped kidnappers den after one month in captivity in the forest (Video)

May be an image of one or more people

A young man who gave his name as Olaniyi has narrated how he was kidnapped from a farm in Ekiti State, beaten and traumatised for one month before he managed to escape from the kidnappers den and by which time he had lost about 10kg in weight.

According to him, the incident happened on October 23, 2025, while he was working as a farm manager at a farm located in Oke Ako, Ikole Local Government Area of Ekiti State, close to the Kogi State border.

He said on that day, armed men stormed the farm and kidnapped him alongside a tractor operator. They were forced to trek through the forest for five days before reaching the kidnappers’ camp.

He explained that during the journey, the kidnappers reportedly abducted several other people from nearby villages, bringing the number of captives to over ten people.

The captives survived by eating yams and maize taken from farms and drinking river water as they were moved from one forest location to another.

Olaniyi also revealed that the kidnappers demanded a ransom of ₦100 million for him and ₦50 million for the tractor operator, bringing the total to ₦150 million.

After weeks in captivity, with beatings and severe hardship, he eventually managed to escape with two other captives when one of the guards abandoned his post and forgot the key to their chains behind.

The three of them then trekked through the forest for three days until they finally reached a village in Kogi State, where they encountered soldiers who helped them reunite with their families.

After spending over a month in captivity, Olaniyi says he lost about 10kg in weight and suffered serious injuries to his feet from trekking barefoot in the forest.

See his video below:

Photo & video: Facebook, Youtube

Popular Nigerian gospel singer and evangelist dies

Toun Soetan

Popular Nigerian gospel singer, minister and evangelist, Toun Soetan, has passed away.

Soetan was widely known for her passionate preaching, strong evangelical outreach, and dedication to Christian ministry.

Over the years, she built a reputation as a committed servant of God whose teachings and revival meetings impacted many lives across different parts of the country.

Soetan’s ministry focused largely on spiritual revival, prayer, and evangelism, and attracted followers from different Christian denominations.

Many believers regarded her as a voice of spiritual awakening who devoted decades to spreading the Christian faith.

The late evangelist was also regarded as one of the few scandal-free gospel music crooners during her lifetime.

Kunle Bakare, former secretary of the Oyo State chapter of the Entertainment Writers Association of Nigeria (EWAN), described the late gospel musician as a true God-sent because of her carefully selected gospel music lyrics.

“The late gospel music player will also be remembered for her music college, where she trained so many gospel music players, most of whom are reigning today,” Bakare said.

Also confirming her death, a gospel musician, Peters Olaniyi Olusegun, in a post on Facebook wrote, “We just lost another Legend this morning, Mummy Toun Soetan.

“May the Lord be with the family and Daddy Titus Soetan.”

Nine senators decamp to ADC

African Democratic Congress (ADC) | DAILY TIMES Nigeria

Nine Senators from different political parties on Thursday, on the floor of the Nigerian Senate, formally announced their defection to the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The Senators who defected to the ADC are Aminu Tambuwal, representing Sokoto South; Enyinnaya Abaribe (Abia South); Binos Yaroe (Adamawa South); Victor Umeh (Anambra Central); Tony Nwoye (Anambra North); Lawal Usman (Kaduna Central); Ogoshi Onawo (Nasarawa South); Austin Akobundu (Abia Central); and Ireti Kingibe (Federal Capital Territory).

Senate President, Godswill Akpabio read their letters of defection during plenary.

Nwoye, in his own letter, explained that his decision was prompted by internal disputes within the Labour Party.

“I wish to tender my resignation amid the ongoing multiple litigations within the Labour Party, which have significantly affected the cohesion and stability of the party.

“Please accept, Your Excellency, the assurances of my highest esteem and regards,” Nwoye’s defection read.

After reading the letters, Akpabio welcomed the lawmakers to their new political platform but dismissed claims that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was behind the defections.

He said: “Deputy Senate President and Leader of the Senate, I hope you noticed that I have read (defections) from three different political parties now. So, you cannot accuse the ruling party of tampering with its leadership. Here, we have APGA, Labour, SDP, and all of them.

“So, all of them have a problem. They’ve not been able to put their parties together. So, the APC cannot be blamed for this.

“They are all out to ensure that we have what you call a minority status in this chamber, and I am very proud of them.”

After 30 months, Nigeria returns with ambassadors, fumbling, By Owei Lakemfa

Image result for owei lakemfa

Thirty months after recalling all Nigerian ambassadors, and 15 months before the end of its four-year tenure, the Tinubu administration on March 6, 2026, unveiled ambassadors for Nigeria.

In the first place, the recall of the ambassadors in September 2023 was myopic. It resulted in the country having no ambassadors at a time the world was on the boil, and our West African region was falling apart.

It was also embarrassing that for over two years, government was unable or incapable of appointing new ambassadors.

But as the administration rolled out the names of the new ambassadors and their supposed countries of posting, I sensed the absence of professionalism in the process.

After ambassadors are named and screened, the next basic step in international relations is that the name of each nominee is sent to the designated receiving country for what is called agrément (agreement). This is the formal consent of the receiving country accepting the nominated ambassador. This process is necessary to ensure that the proposed ambassador is acceptable to the receiving country. Also, this prevents an embarrassment in case the receiving country rejects the nominee. If a receiving country withholds agreement, the sending country has to send a new nominee. There has to be an agrément before a country announces the appointment of its ambassador to a designated country.

This is also covered under the April 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations which states in Article 4 (1): “The sending State must make certain that the agrément of the receiving State has been given for the person it proposes to accredit as head of the mission to that State.”

However, the Tinubu government did not carry out this basic step in the case of 62 of the 65 new ambassadors announced. Rather, the Presidency announced that the Foreign Ministry had “… conveyed the nominations of the other 62 designated envoys to all the countries concerned, including a request for their agréments in line with standard diplomatic practice.”

This breach of basic diplomatic requirement is shameful for a country with over 65 years diplomatic experience, and that has produced some of the most outstanding diplomats in African history like Simeon Adebo, Emeka Anyaoku, Leslie Harriman, Oluyemi Adeniji, Olusola Sanu and Ibrahim Gambari.

This is also a country whose government once viewed this type of action as a serious security breach. In 1984, two journalists, Tunde Thompson, the Diplomatic Correspondent of the Guardian Newspapers, and Nduka Irabor, the newspaper’s Assistant News Editor, were jailed one year each partly for reporting that General Halidu Hananiya had been named High Commissioner to the United kingdom when there was no agrément. Hananiya’s initial posting was to the United States, US, but the latter declined to give an agrément because it “would not accept a serving General as an ambassador.” So, when the Guardian published Hananiya’s posting to the UK without an agrément, the Buhari regime claimed the newspaper acted “in a manner detrimental to national interest”. Although I have no doubt that jailing the journalists was a political move to cow the press, the regime found some justification in the non-approval of the General’s name before it was published.

It is hoped that despite this diplomatic faux pas, none of the 62 nominees will be rejected by the host countries. We may never know why President Bola Tinubu made a sweep of our ambassadors in 2023, but the re-appointment of Ambassador Sola Iji, who was then ambassador to Togo, gives an indication that not all the ambassadors were found unworthy. Iji, lawyer and noted labour leader, did his Masters in Southeastern University, Washington DC and, was the Secretary General of the Senior Staff Consultative Association of Nigeria, SESCAN, now known as the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC. The quiet and thoughtful Iji fits in properly as ambassador-designate to Russia, a posting that requires a lot of wits.

However, there are a number of questions on some of the nominees. For instance, I do not think Senator Jimoh Ibrahim, lawyer and businessman, fits in properly as the Permanent Representative to the United Nations. This is because the UN is a multilateral institution which also requires a person with tact. So, a career diplomat with multilateral experience or an intellectual like Mahmood Yakubu, ambassador-designate to Qatar who is a professor of Political History and International Studies, would have been more suitable. On the other hand, Senator Jimoh who is an expert in business deals would have been quite fit for the US where he can complement President Donald Trump.

I also noticed that no Permanent Representative was named to the UN Office and other international organisations in Geneva which hosts over 40 international organisations, critical UN agencies like the World Health Organisation, WHO; the International Labour Organisation, ILO; UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR; International Organisation for Migration, IOM; and about 200 international organisations and NGOs, including the Red Cross and the World Trade Organisation, WTO.

In fact, our last Representative in Geneva, Ambassador Abiodun Richards Adejola, served as the 2023-2024 Chairperson of the ILO Governing Body.

However, if this were not an omission but a conscious decision to merge this very important position with that of the Ambassador to Berne-Switzerland which has Ambassador Akande Wahab Adekola as designate, it will be a costly mistake. This is because the hub of international diplomacy is Geneva and to even be minimally effective, the ambassador has to relocate to Geneva, leaving consular affairs to some officers. I make this assertion because I represented African workers in the ILO Governing Body for thee years; so I have knowledge of the workings in Geneva.

As I write, time lines flash through my mind. The Tinubu administration having snored on diplomatic matters for two and half years, now has just 15 months to go and must leave office on May 29, 2027 unless it wins a second term. So, technically, given the fact that agrément, depending on individual countries, can take two-six months, these new ambassadors might not serve for more than one year in office.

For me, the more painful aspect is that the career ambassadors have had their period shortened; they are required to retire from service after 35 years of service or upon reaching 60 years of age.

Also, why the disproportionate posting of politician-ambassadors outside Africa while career diplomats are mainly posted to African countries? Out of the 31 non-career ambassadors, only four are posted to African countries, while the balance 27 are posted outside the continent. In contrast, of the 34 career ambassadors, 24 are posted to African countries and ten outside. Is it that government is concentrating on Africa as the centre piece of its foreign policy, or the politicians are just being indulged?

Credit: Owei Lakemfa

Former Super Eagles midfielder passes away

Former Super Eagles Playmaker, Henry Nwosu is Dead - TheBoss Newspaper

Former Super Eagles midfielder Henry Nwosu has passed away. He died at the age of 62.

The death of the Imo State-born midfielder was announced on Saturday morning by former teammate and 1980 Africa Cup of Nations winner Segun Odegbami on his media platforms.

“Henry Nwosu passes on!,

“After five days in hospital battling for his life, the one I call ‘Youngest Millionaire’ passed on at 4:00 am this morning at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, Ikeja, Lagos, where he had been in intensive care since Wednesday.

“It is with deep pain in my heart that I have to be the conveyor of the news of the death of Henry Nwosu MON. May he rest peacefully with our Creator in Heaven,” Odegbami wrote.

The youngest member of the 1980 AFCON squad, Nwosu was widely celebrated for his role in Nigeria’s triumph at the Africa Cup of Nations, where the Green Eagles secured their first continental title on the home soil.

Nwosu was known for his vision, creativity and technical ability, and went on to become a prominent figure in Nigerian domestic football.

After his retirement from active football, the former international remained connected to the sport as a coach and mentor, helping to nurture younger players.

His death comes days after Nigerian football lost another iconic figure, former Super Eagles coach Adegboye Onigbinde, who led Nigeria to the 2002 FIFA World Cup in Japan and South Korea, who died on March 9 at the age of 88.

The duo of Nwosu and Onigbinde were prominent members of the Green Eagles set-up of the 1980s, with Onigbinde having served as coach of the side between 1982 and 1984.

Young female Nigerian student dies after donating plasma in Canada

Federal Department of the Canadian government responsible for helping Canadians maintain and improve their health, Health Canada, is investigating the deaths of two plasma donors at for-profit clinics in Winnipeg, Manitoba, including that of a 22-year-old Nigerian international student, The New York Times reported on Friday.

The federal agency confirmed it received mandatory reports from the clinics following fatal adverse reactions after procedures in October 2025 and January 2026, just over three months apart, at locations operated by Grifols, a Spanish healthcare company running 17 clinics across Canada, including two in Winnipeg. Health Canada subsequently dispatched inspectors to both facilities.

According to The New York Times, friends identified one of the deceased as Rodiyat Alabede, a 22-year-old Nigerian international student whose parents are from Nigeria and Ivory Coast, who was training to become a social worker and was active in the Muslim Nigerian community in Winnipeg.

The identity of the second donor was not disclosed, with both the examiner’s office and Health Canada citing privacy laws.

Stephanie Holfeld, Executive Director of the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner in Manitoba, told the newspaper that Alabede became unresponsive during the donation procedure and died shortly afterwards, though she noted the death had not yet been formally linked to the plasma donation and that “certain investigative steps may still be in progress.”

“She had a motherly side to her, she was protective and sweet. She never gave up, even when things got difficult for her.” Chioma Ijoma.

Grifols, in a statement, expressed condolences to the families.

He said, “We have no reason to believe that there is a correlation between the donors’ passing and plasma donation.”

The company said donors undergo extensive health evaluations before being cleared, that it reported both incidents within the required 72-hour window, and has since launched an internal investigation.

Plasma donation is a process in which blood is drawn, the plasma is separated from red blood cells, and the red blood cells are returned to the donor.

It is commonly used by cash-strapped students and low-income earners in Canada and the United States as a means of supplementing their income.

Grifols advertises that regular donors can earn around 6,000 Canadian dollars, equivalent to roughly 4,400 US dollars or about 7.2 million naira, per year.

(Punch. Photo: gofundme/The Guardian)

Lagos govt begins investigation into female Nigerian socialite, Elena’s death after cosmetic surgery

Butt Enlargement: Lagos probes socialite's death after cosmetic surgery

In a statement, the Lagos State Government has commenced an investigation into the reported death of Lagos female socialite, Elena Jessica, following a cosmetic surgery procedure that allegedly went wrong.

Elena allegedly died after undergoing a Brazilian Butt Lift cosmetic procedure, popularly known as BBL, at a clinic in the State.

The investigation is being conducted through the Health Facilities Monitoring and Accreditation Agency (HEFAMAA) the regulatory body responsible for monitoring and accrediting health facilities in Lagos.

The Permanent Secretary of the agency, Dr. Abiola Idowu, who made this known on Thursday, March 12, 2026, said the investigation followed reports circulating on social media alleging that the woman developed complications after the aesthetic procedure.

The statement reads: “The Lagos State Government, through the Health Facilities Monitoring and Accreditation Agency (HEFAMAA), has commenced a full investigation into the reported death of a Lagos socialite popularly known as “Elena,” who allegedly died after undergoing a Brazilian Butt Lift (BBL) cosmetic procedure at a clinic in the State,” the statement read.

“The development follows reports circulating on social media alleging that the young woman developed complications after the aesthetic procedure, which reportedly occurred either during or shortly after the surgery.

“While details of the incident are still being verified, the State Government has assured the public that a thorough, professional, and transparent investigation has been initiated to determine the circumstances surrounding the unfortunate event.

“Preliminary information indicates that the clinic where the procedure reportedly took place is registered with HEFAMAA.

“However, the Agency notes that registration does not preclude any facility from regulatory scrutiny, particularly when incidents involving patient safety are reported.

“As the statutory regulatory body responsible for monitoring, licensing, and accrediting healthcare facilities in Lagos State, HEFAMAA ensures that all health facilities comply with established operational standards, professional guidelines, and patient safety protocols.

“The Agency reiterates that aesthetic and cosmetic surgical procedures are governed by clearly defined regulatory standards in Lagos State.

“These standards include requirements relating to facility infrastructure, practitioner qualifications, infection prevention and control protocols, patient consent procedures, anaesthetic safety, and emergency response capacity.

“Consequently, HEFAMAA has commenced a comprehensive review of the incident, including an assessment of compliance with regulatory standards, verification of the professional credentials of the medical personnel involved, and evaluation of the level of care provided to the patient before, during, and after the procedure.

“Members of the public are therefore urged to remain calm and avoid spreading unverified or speculative information that may compromise the integrity of the ongoing investigation.

“The Lagos State Government also advises residents seeking cosmetic or aesthetic procedures to exercise due diligence by ensuring that such services are obtained only from accredited health facilities and qualified medical practitioners with the requisite training and competence.

“The Government remains firmly committed to protecting the health and safety of all residents through strengthened regulatory oversight, continuous monitoring of healthcare facilities, and strict enforcement of healthcare standards across the State.

“Further updates will be provided as the investigation progresses.”

Hold Umahi responsible if anything happens to me ―Nigerian journalist cries out

Segun Olawoye

Nigerian journalist and publisher Segun Olawoye, popularly known as Segun O’Law, has raised concerns over an alleged threat to his life, warning that Minister of Works David Umahi should be held accountable if any harm comes his way.

Olawoye, the founder and publisher of ObjecTV Media, made the allegation during a press briefing, where he disclosed that he received a cryptic WhatsApp message from a phone number later identified as belonging to the minister.

The journalist said the dispute between him and the minister stems from a secret recording of a meeting in connection with the controversial Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project.

He said the meeting took place in August 2025 after protesters stormed the Federal Ministry of Works headquarters in Abuja to oppose the realignment of the Lagos section of the highway project.

Olawoye explained that he discreetly recorded conversation in the meeting due to concerns that protests could turn violent.

He said: “Based on my experience as a journalist who had covered protests that degenerated into violence in the past… I immediately activated my discreet recording gadget.”

He said the recording later became the source of tension between him and the minister.

Olawoye claimed that on March 8, 2026, he received a WhatsApp message from a number that was not saved on his phone, but the sender later identified himself as the Minister of Works .

The message reportedly accused Olawoye of secretly recording their conversation and sharing it publicly.

Part of the message read: “You came to my office and secretly videoed our conversations and shared… You have no right to do that.”

The sender allegedly added that the journalist still had an opportunity to apologise “on my terms.”

Speaking further, Olawoye said he decided to make the issue public because he feared the alleged message could be interpreted as a threat.

He insisted that he had no personal disputes or financial problems that could put his life at risk.

“As of today, March 12, 2026, I am in good health. I have no suicidal thoughts,” he said.

“If anything happens to me… Engr. David Nweze Umahi should be held responsible.”

The controversy is reportedly linked to the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project, one of the Federal Government’s flagship infrastructure projects under President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

The journalist said some communities and investors had protested the realignment of parts of the road, which allegedly affected properties, including the WinHomes Estate.

He said representatives of the affected parties were later invited to meet the minister to discuss the issue.

Bwala, and the job of “opposition”, By Abimbola Adelakun

In his interview session with broadcaster Ifedayo Olarinde (Daddy Freeze), presidential media aide Daniel Bwala got the chance to state his side of what happened during his recent infamous Al Jazeera interview with Mehdi Hasan. Bwala claimed he was unnerved when his words were read back to him in the studio because he did not expect it, and he also had no immediate recollection of them at the time. While he initially denied his own words, he also owned them because “that was what I was expected to do: to de-market the opposition”. Now, that is striking. So, throughout the times Bwala was playing “opposition politics”, he just spoke to colour the air, not because he had carefully reasoned his position? By his own admission, his politics was not only unprincipled but also lacked a sturdy base in deep reflection and moral persuasion. Everything he said and did was simply because there was a paycheck attached. It was—and has always been—a politics without accountability, and he had no reason to give a thought to his defection from one side of the carpet to another—which, admittedly, is not much of a move in a place like Nigeria.

To Bwala, it was just a job, and he would just as easily slide to another side of the aisle with the same playbook without seeing himself as betraying anything. He did not invent the game; he played it the only way he knew, and he did not even need to improve on it. Bwala seemed genuinely shocked that Hasan took his politics more seriously than he himself did. Except that his self-justification also missed an important point about politics. As unethical as the political game can be, there are still standards expected of the players. Outside the Nigerian space, politics is not like playing for a football team in one season and playing for a rival team in another. People are expected to stick to a side and passionately defend their team, not flip-flop. A politician can fail to keep their promises, work with a politician they had earlier denounced, but they typically maintain their persuasion to the set of ideologies that differentiates them from a rival party. That was missing here. Bwala’s defenders have been quick to remind us that some of the people who currently work in Donald Trump’s administration were the so-called “never Trumpers”. But if the defenders opened their eyes a little wider, they would notice that these defections were not interparty.

If there is something Bwala’s poor outing vividly reflects, it is the poor quality of what passes for “opposition politics” in Nigeria. Many of them, whether party spokespersons or members of all cadres, lack convictions. They may go on television every chance they get, seize a microphone at every public occasion, or even set a ring light on their social media channels and talk to no end, but that does not mean they believe in anything. They are merely rehearsing a role as they await the summons from the higher-paying side. Because the politics lacks depth and conviction, it also lacks accountability. Opposition politics is simply a bid for time in a continent where time itself is the space between two elections. It gets hilarious when people complain that the APC is swallowing up the opposition, but was there ever really one in the first place? What exists is fickle, a rickety contraption that groans loudly with every lurch it makes. Some people think Bola Tinubu was a “master strategist” for co-opting critics like Bwala to his side, but, frankly, he was not much of a conquest. These are easy pickings.

Nigerians deserve better than politics that has no other goal than power capture, lacks representation, and hardly considers itself accountable to the very people on whose behalf it supposedly champions democracy and democratic ideals. One day, it is here, and another day, it moves over there without giving thought to its own flux. Bwala is a symbol of the many things wrong with our democracy—a politics that never resonates the voice of the people but regularly exploits their anger; a politics that never dissents out of principle but simply to gain clout. This politics dredges up the people’s resistance impulses, not to properly galvanise their energies towards proper social functioning, but to agitate them to no end. That is why the country is full of multi-dimensional anger: people are angry at the failures of the leaders they voted for, angry that their supposed statesmen have turned executioners, angry at their increasing inability to do anything about the consuming cycle of failures, and angry at their failure to see an end to the charade.

People like Bwala have gotten by on this politics for so long that his face looked funny under the glare of Al Jazeera’s studios. In Nigeria, Bwala could have continued deflecting accountability for his defection by simply blaming the opposition and yelling “Peter Obi!” or “Obidients!” at every opportunity. But in Al Jazeera’s studios, far from the ideologically shorn Nigerian social environment, such a claim would ring hollow. Without his usual gimmicks, Bwala was completely disarmed.

We can, of course, argue that politics require some degree of clown show, such as Bwala demonstrated while he was “playing opposition”, but without any ideological core to the theatrics, we are just running to remain at the same spot. The superficiality is not even the worst part. The bigger tragedy is that there is no motivation for anyone to be better. The APC itself is a classic example of an opposition politics that was fact-free and ideologically vacuous, an ethically lacking conglomerate of corrupt bedfellows that nevertheless snagged the ultimate prize. If they could go that far without any substantial base, why should anyone else waste their time creating one?

If there is anything the APC can take away from Bwala’s unfortunate outing, it is for them to temper down their tendency to coopt—and corrupt—anyone who claims to be playing opposition politics. They are so averse to criticism that one can only imagine the resonant echo chamber their intra-party dialogues must look like. You do not need to bring everyone to heel simply because you have deep pockets. The APC thinks it is smart, but taking down the loud, critical voices through persuasion or coercion monotonizes public space. They must have agreed to the Al Jazeera interview because they wanted to show off their modest achievements one year before the election. Unfortunately for them, they played themselves; their messenger became the message.

Finally, Bwala should either get professional help or stay away from the international media circuits forever. From the video of the interview prep he shared, and judging by the body language of his team, my impression is that none of them would have been able to throw him a curveball—exactly what he would have needed to confront an interviewer like Mehdi Hasan, known for aggressive, abrasive interviewing. The all-male team (Nigeria’s homosocial political environment disdains women; please check out all the photos that emerge from their various meetings) looks more like yes-men, another fallout of a politics that brooks no dissent. None of his men seems like they can boldly look the kolanut tree in the face and dare to tell it that its fruit is bitter. That is why, when Bwala finally found himself in a situation where the power dynamics were not in his favour, he fumbled and stumbled badly.

Credit: Abimbola Adelakun

Umahi paid N110 million to businesswoman, Tracy Ohiri in settlement ―Sowore claims (Video)

From what I heard, they said he gave her ₦110 million'- Sowore Reveals Umahi  and Tracy Ohiri Settled Out of Court Omoyele Sowore says Minister David  Umahi resolved a decade-long dispute with

Nigerian politician, rights activist, and publisher of the online newspaper, Sahara Reporters, Omoyele Sowore, has said that the contractual crisis between the federal Minister of Works, David Omahi, and a businesswoman, Tracy Ohiri, has been settled.

Sowore spoke about the settlement in an interview with Symfoni, a Youtube TV, on Thursday.

He said the Minister has paid the sum of N110 million to the business woman who had claimed the Omahi had been owing him a certain amount of money for supplying him campaign postal and other materials when the Minister was the governor of Ebonyi State over ten years ago.

Sowore was reacting to the video of Tracy Ohiri where she tendered apology and retracted all the allegations of indebtedness and sexual harassment she had levelled against the Minister.

See Sowore’s video below:

There are reports that Tracy Ohiri has deleted her retraction and apology posts from her online page.

Video: Symfoni

 

114 universities approved to run law programmes in Nigeria (Full list)

Council of Legal Education, Nigerian Law School Headquarters.

Nigeria’s Council of Legal Education (CLE), in a circular issued on Friday, has released the list of 114 universities approved to run law programmes in Nigeria.

The Council of Legal Education is the statutory body responsible for the professional training and regulation of aspiring lawyers in Nigeria.

The council said only the listed universities are authorised to admit students into the Bachelor of Laws (LL.B) programme in the country.

Signed by the council’s Secretary and Director of Administration, Aderonke Osho, the circular warned that any university running a law programme without approval would face sanctions.

The council said students admitted into unapproved law programmes would not be eligible for admission into the Nigerian Law School.

“The public is further informed that any university that admits students into a law programme without the approval of the Council of Legal Education is acting contrary to the provisions regulating legal education in Nigeria and will be subject to appropriate sanctions,” the circular stated.

The council added that it would continue to update the list in line with its mandate to regulate legal education in Nigeria.

See below the full list of universities approved to run law programmes in Nigeria.

  1. Abia State University, Uturu, Abia State
  2. Achievers University, Owo, Ondo State
  3. Adamawa State University, Mubi, Adamawa State
  4. Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State
  5. Adeleke University, Ede, Osun State
  6. Admiralty University, Ibusa, Delta State
  7. Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State
  8. Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna State
  9. Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, Oyo State
  10. Al-Ansar University, Maiduguri, Borno State
  11. Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara State
  12. Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State
  13. American University of Nigeria, Yola, Adamawa State
  14. Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State
  15. Anchor University, Ayobo, Lagos State
  16. Arthur Jarvis University, Akpabuyo (Calabar), Cross River State
  17. Ave-Maria University, Piyanko, Nasarawa State
  18. Azman University, Kano, Kano State
  19. Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State
  20. Bauchi State University, Gadau, Bauchi State
  21. Bayero University, Kano, Kano State
  22. Baze University, Abuja (Moratorium on admission for three (3) years with effect from 2023/2024 till 2025/2026 session as approved by the Council)
  23. Benson Idahosa University, Benin City, Edo State
  24. Bingham University, Karu, Nasarawa State
  25. Bowen University, Iwo, Osun State
  26. Caleb University, Imota, Lagos State
  27. Chrisland University, Abeokuta, Ogun State
  28. Christopher University, Mowe, Ogun State
  29. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University, Igbariam, Anambra State
  30. Confluence University of Science and Technology, Osara, Kogi State
  31. Crescent University, Abeokuta, Ogun State
  32. Delta State University, Abraka, Delta State
  33. Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki, Ebonyi State
  34. Edwin Clark University, Kiagbodo, Delta State
  35. Edo University, Iyamho (Uzairue), Edo State
  36. Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State
  37. El-Amin University, Minna, Niger State
  38. Elizade University, Ilara-Mokin, Ondo State
  39. Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Agbani, Enugu State
  40. Federal University, Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State
  41. Federal University, Lokoja, Kogi State
  42. Federal University, Otuoke, Bayelsa State
  43. Federal University, Wukari, Taraba State
  44. Fountain University, Osogbo, Osun State
  45. Godfrey Okoye University, Enugu State
  46. Gombe State University, Gombe State
  47. Gregory University, Uturu, Abia State
  48. Hensard University, Toru-Orua, Bayelsa State
  49. Ibrahim Babangida University, Lapai, Niger State
  50. Igbinedion University, Okada, Edo State
  51. Imo State University, Owerri, Imo State
  52. Joseph Ayo Babalola University, Ikeji-Arakeji, Osun State
  53. Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe University, Ogboko, Imo State
  54. Koladaisi University, Ibadan, Oyo State
  55. Kwara State University, Malete, Kwara State
  56. Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos State
  57. Lead City University, Ibadan, Oyo State (Moratorium on admission for five (5) years with effect from 2023/2024 till 2027/2028 session as approved by the Council)
  58. Madonna University, Okija, Anambra State
  59. Maduka University, Enugu State
  60. Margaret Lawrence University, Abuja, FCT
  61. Maryam Abacha American University, Kano, Kano State
  62. McPherson University, Seriki-Sotayo, Ogun State
  63. Mewar International University, Masaka, Nasarawa State
  64. Modibbo Adama University, Yola, Adamawa State
  65. Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nasarawa State
  66. Newgate University, Minna, Niger State
  67. Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State
  68. Nigerian-British University, Asa, Abia state.
  69. Nile University, Abuja
  70. Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State
  71. North-Eastern University, Gombe State
  72. Northwest University, Kano (Yusuf Maitama Sule University), Kano State
  73. Northwest University, Kalambaina, Wamakko, Sokoto State.
  74. Novena University, Ogume, Delta State
  75. Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State
  76. Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State
  77. Osun State University, Osogbo, Osun State
  78. Peter University, Achina/Onnch, Anambra State
  79. Philomath University, Abuja, FCT
  80. Plateau State University, Bokkos, Plateau State
  81. Nigeria Police Academy, Wudil, Kano State (Moratorium on admission for two (2) years with effect from 2024/2025 till 2025/2026 session as approved by the Council)
  82. Prime University, Abuja, FCT
  83. Prince Abubakar Audu University, Anyigba, Kogi State
  84. Rayhaan University, Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State
  85. Redeemer’s University, Ede, Osun State
  86. Renaissance University, Ugbawka, Enugu State
  87. Reverend Father Moses Orshio Adasu University, Makurdi, Benue State (formerly Benue State University)
  88. Rivers State University, Port Harcourt, Rivers State
  89. Salem University, Lokoja, Kogi State
  90. Sam Maris University, Supare-Akoko, Ondo State
  91. Shanahan University, Onitsha, Anambra State
  92. Skyline University, Kano, Kano State
  93. Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State
  94. Thomas Adewunmi University, Oko-Irese, Kwara State
  95. Topfaith University, Mkpatak, Akwa Ibom State
  96. Umaru Musa Yar’Adua University, Katsina, Katsina State
  97. University of Abuja, Abuja, FCT
  98. University of Benin, Benin City, Edo State
  99. University of Calabar, Calabar, Cross River State
  100. University of Delta, Agbor, Delta State
  101. University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Oyo State
  102. University of Ilesa, Ilesa, Osun State
  103. University of Ilorin, Ilorin, Kwara State
  104. University of Jos, Jos, Plateau State
  105. University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos State
  106. University of Maiduguri, Maiduguri, Borno State
  107. University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State
  108. University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, Rivers State
  109. University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State
  110. University on the Niger, Umunya, Anambra State
  111. Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto, Sokoto State
  112. Veritas University, Bwari, Abuja
  113. Wesley University, Ondo, Ondo State
  114. Yobe State University, Damaturu, Yobe State

Established under the Legal Education Act, the CLE oversees the Nigerian Law School and ensures that legal education standards are maintained across the country.

(Logo: CLE, Facebook)

Appeal Court affirms Turaki-backed Oluyede as Ekiti PDP governorship candidate

Appeal court affirms Turaki-backed Wole Oluyede as PDP guber candidate for  Ekiti The court of appeal in Akure has affirmed Wole Oluyede as the governorship  candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)

Nigeria’s Court of Appeal sitting in Akure, Ondo State, has affirmed Dr. Wole Oluyede, as the duly nominated governorship candidate of the PDP for the 2026 Ekiti State governorship election.

The three-member appellate panel, in a unanimous judgment, set aside the earlier ruling of the Federal High Court in Ado-Ekiti, which had nullified the party’s primary election.

Led by Justice Peter Chudi Obiorah and comprising Justices Jane Esienanwan Inyang and Peter O. Affen, the panel held that the PDP primary election that produced Oluyede was valid and conducted in compliance with the party’s constitution and the provisions of the Electoral Act.

The court specifically affirmed that the primary election organised by the National Working Committee (NWC), led by Kabiru Tanimu Turaki was lawful, transparent and properly conducted.

The court dismissed Ayeni’s claim on the grounds that the primary election that produced Oluyede as a candidate complied with all the Electoral Acts and was in compliance with the party’s constitution.

It held that in line with INEC guidelines and timetables, what the petitioner asked for had been overtaken by events because there is no longer a window for the conduct of the primary election.

The court also ruled that Ayeni, the litigant, did not exhaust the internal conflict-resolution mechanism of his own party before rushing to court.

Reacting to the judgment, the Turaki faction of PDP welcomed the judgment and commended the courage of the judiciary despite alleged pressures to do otherwise.

The Federal High Court in Ado-Ekiti had on January 13, 2026, nullified the Ekiti PDP governorship primary held on November 8 and 9, 2025.

Dissatisfied with the judgment, the PDP faction filed an appeal, asking the appellate court to overturn the decision of the lower court.

In its ruling, the Court of Appeal allowed the appeal and set aside the judgment of the Federal High Court, declaring that the primary election that produced Oluyede was duly conducted.

The ruling effectively settled the leadership and candidacy dispute that had trailed the party’s preparations for the 2026 Ekiti State governorship election.

With the judgment, and barring an appeal to the Supreme Court, the PDP was expected to proceed into the election with Oluyede as its candidate.

MTN Nigeria’s Trillion Naira Profit and the Lessons of 25 Years…, By Olusegun Adeniyi

At the 2016 edition of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) annual ‘Telecom World’ held in Bangkok, Thailand, then Kaduna State Governor, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai shared the story of the difficulty encountered in selling Nigeria’s liberalised telecommunications industry to international investors. According to El-Rufai, who was the Bureau of Public Enterprise (BPE) Director-General between 1999 and 2003, Nigeria was so desperate to secure a foreign investor that we actually offered Vodafone a Digital Mobile License (DML) at a symbolic value of one dollar. Yes! $1.00. But the British Multinational telecommunications company rejected the offer, reportedly because their market analysis revealed that our population lacked the purchasing power to pay for GSM services!

On reflection, it must have taken a certain kind of nerve for MTN, a South African telecoms company, to bet on Nigeria in 2001. First, our electricity sector had already gained notoriety for incessant grid collapses in the transmission of the meagre megawatts being generated at the time. On that score alone, operators knew they would have to generate their own power supply to provide services, in addition to investing in other infrastructure, like cell sites. The regulatory landscape was also quite hazy in a country where public officials were renowned for looking for ‘what to eat’. For any rational investor, this was the definition of a high-risk territory. Yet MTN weighed the pros and cons and concluded that the Nigerian market was tantalising enough to prompt making the plunge.

For sure, Nigeria had (still has) Africa’s largest population, a vibrant entrepreneurial spirit, and millions of people eager to get connected. These were the prospects upon which the South Africa telecoms group took the gamble to spin off its local subsidiary, MTN Nigeria 25 years ago. And it has paid off tremendously. Last week, the company announced a revenue of $3.62 billion (N5.20tn) and profit after tax of $773 million (N1.11tn) in the year 2025. Even the most optimistic of their investors could not have foreseen that when the GSM auction was conducted in 2001. Two weeks ago, a friend reminded me that Nigeria is marking the 25th anniversary of mobile telephony without any appreciation of how we got here and the lessons that could still serve us in other sectors. That is the background to today’s column, which may read more like a special report.

Beyond the impressive financial performance of telecom operators like MTN, it is important that we examine the policy architecture and catalysts in both the private and public sectors that made this transformation possible. The success of the ‘telecoms revolution’ did not happen by accident; it was the product of deliberate institutional choices, transparent market design, and regulatory discipline. These lessons remain highly relevant for sectors that continue to struggle in Nigeria today, most notably the power sector.

But before I conclude with a number of lessons learned, I offer excerpts from my unpublished book, “25 Defining Issues in 25 years of civil rule in Nigeria (1999 to 2024).” A particular chapter deals with the reform of the telecoms sector and young Nigerians who were not around in 2001 need to know where we have come from. Because the question remains as to whether we can replicate the same story in the power sector where despite the public investment of billions of dollars in the last 26 years, the federal government has been unable to generate more than mere megawatts of excuses and darkness. It is therefore little surprise that the current Minister of Power, Bayo Adelabu is being subjected to mockery on social media. Among several other titles, he has been ‘coronated’ as ‘His Imperial Majesty and The Lord of Darkness.’ But let’s begin with the story of the reforms of the telecoms sector as captured in my uncompleted book.

Between 1984 and 1999, Nigerians were told by some of the military leaders of the era, including those who have become prominent under the current political dispensation, that telephone service was “not for the poor.” And our people accepted their fate without questioning that dismissive assumption. Although the late General Sani Abacha’s government issued 12 mobile telephony licenses, nine of which were GSM licenses, and granted approvals for 21 others (covering local, regional and national operators), the licensees were seeking either to sell these licenses or waiting for regulatory clarity before making any investment in the sector.

This was the situation until 29 May 1999 when a new democratic government was ushered in with President Olusegun Obasanjo at the helm. Five months in office, the Obasanjo administration in October 1999 published a new ‘National Policy on Telecommunications’ which emphasised the need for reform and private sector investment. The short-term objective was the attainment of 1.2 million mobile lines within two years. “There shall not be more than 4 digital National Cellular Operators for an initial period of 5 years”, according to the national policy which also stated that “the modalities for appointing the carriers shall be competitive and transparent”.

In December 1999, the National Communication Commission (NCC) placed adverts in some Nigerian newspapers inviting expressions of interest in not more than four national GSM licences, with a proposed cost of USD100 million each. This attempt involved the then Communications Minister as head of an inter-ministerial committee. It featured a two-stage process: a pre-qualification stage, where interested parties had to satisfy technical, financial, probity and compliance checks; and a bidding stage. But the entire process was cancelled on 28 February 2000, following serious allegations of unwholesome practices.

Thereafter, then NCC Executive Vice Chairman, Dr Ernest Ndukwe, was directed by President Obasanjo to oversee a public auction that would be supported by international consultants. The processes put in place culminated in the 19 January 2001 GSM auction in Abuja where there were five bidders: South African-backed MTN Nigeria Communications; Econet Wireless led by a Zimbabwean businessman, Strive Masiyiwa; Communications Investment Limited (CIL) by Dr Mike Adenuga Jnr; United Network Consortium led by Orascom Telecom (Egypt), in partnership with United Bank for Africa (UBA);and MSI International of Sudanese-British billionaire, Mr Mo Ibrahim. The auction lasted three days and the final bid price for each licence was US$285 million. At the end, US$855 million was generated from the auctions following a process globally acclaimed as very transparent. It earned Nigerian accolades from the international media.

Following the successful auction process, each of the three winners and M-TEL, (subsidiary of the government-owned NITEL for which the fourth slot had been reserved) was required to pay the same licence fee of $285 million. Before the auction, each bidder had paid a non-refundable deposit of $20 million so they were only required to pay the balance of $265 million within two weeks. But by the deadline of 9 February 2001, what started as a seamless process exploded in controversy when the NCC announced that CIL’s payment for the $265 million had not arrived at Chase Manhattan in New York, bankers for the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

This narrative was immediately countered by CIL. After winning the auction and before the payment deadline, according to the company, it raised a query about the frequency offered which was already the subject of litigation involving a previous licensee. “When you begin from day one with a frequency that is encumbered, that puts you at a disadvantage with your competitors,” a spokesman for CIL said. For such a successful exercise, the CIL controversy over payment was an unfortunate fall-out. Meanwhile, each of the licence winners was expected to commence operations within three months from the auction date. Each was also expected to install at least 30,000 lines within one year of operation.

The federal government dangled incentives to the new licensees to encourage investment and quick rollout of services. These incentives included pioneer status, reduction of import duties on telecommunication equipment and tax exemptions. With Adenuga’s CIL edged out, ECONET in perpetual disarray and M-TEL clueless as to what to do with its licence, MTN Nigeria ran a virtual monopoly while telling Nigerians that it was impossible to do per second billing for subscribers. The story, however, changed when Globacom eventually entered the market after winning the bid for the second national operator license and rolled out its mobile service under the Glo brand in August 2003. But that is a story on its own.

Globacom Executive Director, Special Project Mike Jituboh, has explained how the misfortune of CIL ended with the triumph of Glo. “A day after winning one of the three GSM licenses, a CIL team led by Dr. Adenuga headed for Paris for negotiations with BNP Paribas. After several days of protracted negotiations, agreement was reached on the terms and conditions for a loan facility of $265 million for paying the balance of the GSM license,” Jitubor said in his recollection of events at that period. “The deadline for making payment was 5pm of 9th February 2001 and on that fateful day all was set for a transfer by swift instruction when word came in from our colleagues in Lagos that the frequency allocated to CIL was the same frequency that had been allocated to and being used by Motophone. The latter was in court to challenge the government’s withdrawal of the frequency.”

With its assigned frequency under litigation and the deadline for payment approaching, according to Jitubor, CIL management was confronted with a difficult situation that required quick action: “We decided to make payment with the condition that the money should be released after the government gives CIL an indemnity to cover the possibility of Motophone winning its suit and retaining the litigious frequency. Consequently, payment of $265 million was made by BNP Paribas before the deadline hour on 9th February 2001, directly to the designated account at JP Morgan Chase, New York, along with the aforementioned condition.”

The federal government rejected the condition that was placed on the payment and cancelled the CIL license. But the story did not end there, as Jitubor would later recollect: “Eventually we won the bid for the Second National Carrier Licence and launched Glo mobile. Ironically the same erstwhile litigious frequency was given to Globacom along with the indemnity that had been denied CIL.”

I have in the past written on the critical role Adenuga played in the sector, especially given the widely believed cynicism at the time that a Nigerian could not run a successful telecoms company. It is all the more remarkable that Adenuga succeeded where the federal government failed with MTEL that was handed a free license (0804). Given the disproportionally high population of young people in Nigeria, it is also noteworthy that Globacom has since inception kept that demographics in focus while developing its sponsorships and promotions. From putting a lie to the claim that per second billing was impossible in Nigeria to crashing the prohibitive cost of acquiring a GSM line to bringing down the cost of airtime, Adenuga, from Day One, positioned Globacom to play a disruptive role in the telecoms sector to the benefit of Nigerians.

The story of Econet Wireless has been more interesting. Although the company was the first GSM operator to go live in Nigeria, there were signs of trouble from the outset–even before it started changing its management and name. In fact, the company has had its name changed so many times along with different management companies that it soon became the butt of jokes in the investment world. The question that arises is why such a promising enterprise unravelled so quickly. In 2015, Masiyiwa chose a blog post to reveal the dark side of the investment climate in Nigeria while making serious allegations against certain individuals. “To participate in the bid, you not only had to raise money, but there had to be a member of the bidding consortium who was an experienced GSM operator,” Masiyiwa wrote. “Econet Wireless met the requirements because of its experience in Zimbabwe and Botswana. Our Nigerian partners, which included state governments, local banks and high net worth individuals, were financial investors. The largest shareholder had only 10%. That was the written agreement.”

Masiyiwa said he managed to assemble a consortium of 22 investors to put up the money needed to bid. “Our shareholders were all Nigerian, mostly institutional investors including leading banks and two state governments, Lagos State and Delta State. The license cost us $285 million and was the most expensive licence ever issued in Africa at the time. This was 2001… Econet Wireless Nigeria had only 5% of the shares, but that was fine because it was 5% ownership of a very big pie.”  As the ‘technical partner and operator, according to Masiyiwa, “Econet was the company with the expertise to build and operate such a business. Our financial investors recognised this, and also allowed us to receive 3% of the turnover as our fees. This was standard practice in the industry.” Having launched two days before MTN, that put ECONET at an advantage. “Customers were pouring in. We were number one in the market with an estimated 57% market share. Then came the fateful day when I was told that our company must pay a total of $9 million in bribes to senior politicians (in state government) who had facilitated the raising of the money to pay for the license.”

Masiyiwa claimed he refused to authorise the illegal payments. “Meeting after meeting was held to try to get me to agree, but I would not. The money would not be paid as long as Econet was the operator and I had signing authority.” Refusal to yield to the bribe demand, according to Masiyiwa, led to the problem. “The shareholders met and voted Econet Wireless Nigeria out of management. They cancelled our management contract.”   Following the exit of Econet, a South African mobile operator, Vodacom, was brought in. But it lasted only a few months before crisis set in again and the name was changed to VMobile with Vee Networks as operators. Two years later, the company was acquired by Celtel owned by Mo Ibrahim, who took a 65% stake. At some point, the Zain Group took ownership of the network before it became Airtel, after acquisition by Airtel Africa, the continent’s unit of Bharti Airtel of India….

ENDNOTE:            

I leave the other parts of the chapter for whenever I decide to publish the book but the last 25 years in the telecoms sector has been revolutionary. In the early days between 2001 and 2003, owning a mobile phone line was considered something of a status symbol, a privilege reserved for the political class, bankers and the nouveau riche. Prices of simple handsets were well beyond the reach of ordinary people. In fact, MTN, a dominant service supplier at the time, boasted about the “impossibility” of per second billing for calls. It took the entrance of Globacom late in 2003 to change that narrative. Many would also recall having to walk to different locations, including climbing trees, just to be sure of connecting to mobile service.

However, over the years, mobile operators have invested heavily in infrastructure development, erecting cell towers, laying fibre-optic cables, and establishing distribution channels to ensure nationwide coverage. Today, to say that the advent of telecoms has spurred economic growth and entrepreneurship in Nigeria is an understatement. Small businesses have flourished as mobile phones become essential tools for conducting transactions, marketing products, and accessing financial services. Mobile banking services, which rode on the rails built by mobile networks, pioneered by new generation banks, has also revolutionised the banking industry, providing convenient and secure access to financial services for millions of unbanked Nigerians.

Now, what are the lessons, especially for the power sector?

In 2001, when Nigeria auctioned its GSM licenses, the country had fewer than 400,000 working telephone lines serving a population of about 120 million people at the time. Today, Nigeria has more than 226 million mobile subscriptions and over 150 million internet users. By contrast, electricity supply has not experienced any transformation despite the billions of dollars invested by the government. Nigeria’s installed power generation capacity is officially about 13,000 megawatts, yet actual average generation delivered to the grid often fluctuates between 3,500 and 5,000 megawatts for a population now exceeding 220 million people. So, what can we take from this?

First, credible and transparent market entry matters. The GSM auction of January 2001 was globally acclaimed because it was competitive and transparent. Investors knew the rules, trusted the process and were willing to commit significant capital as a result. The telecom auction also raised $855 million in license fees alone in 2001 and immediately triggered billions of dollars in follow-on infrastructure investment. In contrast, despite the privatization of power generation and distribution companies in 2013 for about $2.5 billion, the electricity market has struggled to attract comparable levels of sustained private investment due to market uncertainties, tariff disputes, and liquidity challenges within the sector. The less said about that exercise, which was anything but transparent, the better. What this shows very clearly is that sectors where entry processes are opaque will struggle to attract serious long-term investors. For Nigeria’s power sector, credibility of procurement, concession and licensing processes remains a foundational requirement for sustainable investment.

Second, regulatory independence and institutional clarity are critical. The NCC emerged as a respected regulator because it was allowed to function with professionalism and relative autonomy by the Obasanjo administration. This created confidence among investors that the rules of the game would not shift arbitrarily. Over the last two decades, this regulatory credibility has helped the telecom sector to attract more than $75 billion in cumulative investment. The power sector, however, continues to face a persistent liquidity crisis estimated at over N4 trillion in unpaid obligations across generation companies, distribution companies and gas suppliers. This is an indication of deeper structural challenges in the electricity market where regulatory decisions are frequently politicised. Therefore, strengthening institutional independence may be one of the most important reforms needed to unlock investment in the power sector.

Third, competition drives efficiency and consumer welfare. MTN Nigeria initially enjoyed significant market dominance, but the eventual entry of Globacom introduced competition that dramatically reduced prices, expanded access and improved service delivery. The lesson here is simple: monopolies rarely innovate. When properly regulated, effective competition is often the strongest protection for consumers. Unlike telecoms where multiple operators compete nationwide, electricity distribution in Nigeria remains geographically monopolistic. Each of the eleven distribution companies controls a regional franchise area, leaving consumers with no alternative supplier even when service delivery is poor. This structural limitation has made it more difficult for competition to drive improvements in service quality. We also witness this same problem in some other sectors of our economy where market monopoly reigns, at the detriment of Nigerian consumers.

Fourth, the role of government should be limited to enabling markets, not operating them. The experience of NITEL and M-TEL demonstrated the limits of state-run commercial enterprises in fast-moving technology sectors. Motivated by efficiency and profitability, the private sector has expanded the network far beyond what government could have achieved alone. Today, Nigeria has more than 41,000 telecom towers and extensive fibre-optic networks built almost entirely with private capital. In the electricity sector, however, the federal government still bears a significant financial burden through tariff subsidies and market support interventions estimated at hundreds of billions of naira annually to keep the system functioning. Notwithstanding, Nigerians continue to live in darkness.

In sectors such as power generation, transmission infrastructure, and even rail development, we as a country must increasingly adopt models where government sets the framework while private capital drives expansion. The country’s entire grid-based electricity generation averaging around 4,000 to 5,000 MW, is roughly comparable to the capacity of a single large metropolitan utility system in some major global cities. Yet our estimated electricity demand already exceeds 100,000 MW and is expected to grow rapidly with population and industrialization.

Fifth, policy consistency and investment protection matter enormously. The GSM investors committed hundreds of millions of dollars upfront because the reform signals from government were clear and sustained. Investors could forecast their growth and plan long term. By contrast, electricity sector investors often face uncertainty around tariff adjustments, payment guarantees and gas supply arrangements. These risks increase the cost of capital and discourage the scale of long-term infrastructure investment required to transform the sector.In sectors where policies change abruptly or contractual commitments are not respected, capital inevitably becomes scarce and expensive.

Finally, infrastructure transformation requires patience and scale. The telecom revolution did not happen overnight. It required billions of dollars of cumulative investment over two decades. But the enabling policy environment ensured that investors were willing to take a long view. Industry estimates suggest that Nigeria would require between $100 billion and $150 billion in electricity sector investments over the next two decades to achieve reliable nationwide power supply and close the massive energy deficit currently constraining economic growth. Unfortunately, there is nothing to suggest that we are ready.

I have always believed that President Obasanjo deserves more credit than he gets from the telecoms reform. A quarter century later, it remains one of the most successful economic reforms in Africa. The challenge before policymakers today is whether the same principles, transparent markets, strong institutions, competition, and private capital can be replicated in other critical sectors of the economy. I am one of those who believe that if these lessons are applied with enough commitment and discipline, the transformation witnessed in telecommunications could very well be repeated in power, transport, and digital infrastructure for the prosperity of Nigeria.

Credit: Olusegun Adeniyi

Why is the dollar profiting from Middle East war? ―Report

Why is the dollar profiting from Middle East war? – Report

The surge in energy prices triggered by the conflict in the Middle East has significantly strengthened the dollar, paradoxically undermining US President Donald Trump’s economic objectives.

AFP looks at the reasons behind the greenback’s rise against rivals.

– King of oil –

At the start of the conflict almost two weeks ago, investors began massively selling assets, turning to energy investments in anticipation of a supply crisis — and to the dollar — the currency used to price oil and gas.

Attacks on Gulf infrastructure and the blockade of the strategic Strait of Hormuz has propelled the price of Brent North Sea crude, the global benchmark, by more than one third to around $100 per barrel.

With more dollars needed to purchase oil, the greenback has appreciated by around 2.5 percent since the start of hostilities, according to the Dollar Index, which compares the US unit to a basket of major currencies.

The dollar, seen as a highly liquid asset owing to it being readily available and exchangeable, is seen also as a leading safe haven investment.

It is favoured for international trades as well as foreign exchange reserves held by central banks.

– The US spared –

The United States has so far been spared from the oil supply crisis thanks to the country being the world’s leading producer of crude.

Although it still imports the commodity, the US purchases only eight percent of its requirement from the Gulf, compared with nearly two-thirds from Canada, according to the most recent official data from the US Energy Information Administration.

Rising oil prices tend to support the dollar also thanks to the US being a net exporter of refined petroleum products and gas, in turn boosting the nation’s trade balance.

By comparison, European and Asian economies which are more reliant on Gulf imports are being hit harder, making their currencies and bonds less attractive.

– Risks to inflation –

The dollar is additionally profiting from the possibility of a fresh inflation hike caused by soaring energy costs.

This is because it increases the likelihood of the US Federal Reserve slowing the pace of its planned cuts to interest rates, while even forcing it to possibly raise borrowing costs in the short term.

The prospect of higher interest rates for longer strengthens the appeal of the dollar, to the detriment of dollar-denominated gold and another traditional safe haven.

Despite recent strengthening, the dollar has not yet recovered to the levels it reached ahead of Trump’s return to the White House.

Offsetting the currency’s recent gains are concerns about the impact of Trump’s tariffs on the world’s biggest economy.

Fears surrounding high US debt levels and the president’s pressure over the independence of American institutions, notably the Fed, have also weighed upon its value.

“The dollar remains in demand and well supported,” Kathleen Brooks, analyst at traders XTB, told AFP.

“However, as the conflict drags on the attractiveness of the dollar could diminish… The US still has a massive budget deficit, which could get worse due to the war, as military spending may need to rise sharply in the coming months.”

– Trump’s paradox –

Market developments since the start of the conflict run counter to the objectives initially stated by Trump, who has pledged to lower gas prices, fight for lower interest rates, as well as advocating for a weak dollar to support exports.

Countering this, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent asserted at the end of January that the “US always has a strong dollar policy”.

Mark Sobel, a former senior Treasury official, told AFP that “the administration’s views on the dollar are confused, muddled and inconsistent”.

Marc Chandler, analyst at Bannockburn Capital Markets, meanwhile concluded that for the US government, “denying Iran nuclear weapons or missiles seems to have a higher priority than the short-run impact of the foreign exchange market”.

(AFP, Vanguard)

Star comedian, Broda Shagi reportedly shot, rushed to hospital

Skit maker Broda Shaggi hospitalised after alleged shooting

Nigerian star comedian and skit maker, Samuel Perry, popularly known as Broda Shaggi, has reportedly been hospitalised after he was allegedly shot while filming a comedy skit in the Sango-Ota area of Ogun State.

The entertainer was said to have been recording content with his crew on Sunday afternoon under the Sango-Ota bridge when the incident occurred.

Reports say, the comedian sustained a gunshot injury during the shoot and was immediately rushed by members of his team to Blooming Care Hospital in the Alakuko area of Lagos for urgent medical attention.

A police source, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to comment on the matter, explained that the incident occurred while the skit maker was filming with his crew.

“He was shooting a skit under the Sango-Ota bridge when he sustained a gunshot injury. We don’t have details on how it happened yet, but his crew members who were present quickly rushed him to the hospital,” the source said.

Doctors at the hospital reportedly administered first aid after he was brought in.

Further reports indicated that Broda Shaggi was later referred to Duchess Hospital in the Government Residential Area of Ikeja, where he is currently recuperating.

Spokesperson for the Lagos State Police Command (PPRO), Abimbola Adebisi, confirmed that the police were alerted after the injured entertainer was taken to the hospital.

According to her, the hospital contacted the police to report that a gunshot victim had been brought to their facility.

Detectives and a patrol team were subsequently mobilised to the hospital, where officers discovered that the victim was the popular skit maker.

“He was seen on a stretcher with an injury to his thigh. The location of the incident is in Sango-Ota and not within our jurisdiction, but the investigation is ongoing,” she said.

However, the spokesperson for the Ogun State Police Command, Oluseyi Babaseyi, stated that the incident had not yet been officially reported to the command.

Police appoints replacement of Benjamin Hundeyin as Nigeria Police Force spokesman

IGP appoints DCP Anthony Okon Placid as new Force Public Relations Officer

Nigeria’s Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Olatunji Rilwan Disu, has approved the appointment of DCP Anthony Okon Placid, as the new Force Public Relations Officer (FPRO), outgoing Force spokesman Hundeyin said in a statement on Sunday announcing Placid’s appointment.

Immediate past IGP Kayode Egbetokun appointed Hundeyin as the Force Public Relations Officer (FPRO) in September 2025. Before then, Hundeyin served as the spokesperson of the Lagos State Police Command.

The new appointment comes weeks after Disu assumed office as Nigeria’s police chief and the subsequent reshuffle in the police hierarchy.

Police said, Placid is a “seasoned officer” with vast experience in administration, intelligence, operations, training, and international peacekeeping.

Born on 2 December 1970 in Uyo, the new Force spokesman hails from Mbiokporo Nsit, Nsit Ibom Local Government Area, Akwa Ibom State.

Placid is a graduate of Geography and Regional Planning from the University of Uyo and has a Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy (M.A.L.D.) from the University of Jos.

The officer also studied law at the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN).

Nigeria’s new police spokesman began his career as a cadet assistant superintendent of police at the Police Academy, Kano, in 1996. He was commissioned in August 1998.

Iran’s new supreme leader orders Strait of Hormuz shutdown

FILES-IRAN-US-ISRAEL-WAR-SUPREME-LEADER

Iran’s new supreme leader ordered the vital Strait of Hormuz oil shipping lane to remain closed on Thursday, while US President Donald Trump said stopping the Islamic Republic’s “evil empire” was more important than crude prices.

Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, who was reportedly injured in an air strike, has yet to appear publicly since his nomination last Sunday as supreme leader, and his defiant message was read by a newscaster on state television.

Khamenei, whose father Ali Khamenei was killed in the first wave of US-Israeli attacks at the start of the Middle East war, called for the Strait of Hormuz to remain blocked and for Gulf countries to close their US military bases.

“The lever of blocking the Strait of Hormuz must definitely be used,” Khamenei said of the waterway through which a quarter of world’s oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) usually transit.

He added that “a limited amount of” Iran’s revenge for US and Israeli strikes had “taken concrete form, but until it is fully achieved, this case will remain among our priorities.”

Iran launched a new wave of attacks against Gulf energy targets on Thursday that sent prices oil spiking briefly above $100 a barrel and led to a warning that the crisis could lead to to “the largest supply disruption” in history.

But Trump dismissed growing concerns, writing on social media that “of far greater interest and importance to me, as President, is stoping an evil Empire, Iran, from having Nuclear Weapons, and destroying the Middle East and, indeed, the World.”

– Vessels attacked –

Images from Bahrain on Thursday showed thick smoke rising after a strike on fuel tanks in Muharraq, with residents told to stay inside and close their windows.

Drones caused damage again at Kuwait’s international airport and in downtown Dubai, while Saudi Arabia said it had intercepted drones headed towards its Shaybah oil field and its embassy district.

Shipping in and around the crucial Strait of Hormuz remains at a near-standstill, with another three vessels attacked in the Gulf off the coast of the United Arab Emirates and Iraq.

The Paris-based International Energy Authority, a world authority on energy markets, warned Thursday the 13-day conflict “is creating the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market”, which would surpass those of the 1970s.

With Gulf states slashing production and oil tankers stuck in the Gulf, benchmark oil prices have risen 40-50 percent since the US and Israel attacked Iran on February 28, threatening to crimp growth and stoke inflation.

– ‘Mistake’ –

A top Iranian military figure warned on Wednesday that the country could wage a prolonged war that would “destroy” the world economy.

Trump, who is under mounting domestic pressure, ruled out the air campaign ending “immediately” while indicating that US forces were running out of targets to hit.

“If the White House imagines the conflict will stop when Donald Trump decides it… they’re making a mistake and ignoring the lessons of history,” Pierre Razoux, director of studies at the Mediterranean Foundation for Strategic Studies, told AFP.

“The Iranian regime, which no longer has anything to lose, will wage a war of attrition against the United States and Israel to punish them for their aggression.”

One Tehran resident hoping for the fall of the Islamic republic told AFP she was worried about the US and Israel calling off their air campaign despite her fears about the daily bombardment.

“I don’t know what will happen to us mentally and emotionally if it doesn’t work out this time,” she told AFP on condition of anonymity.

– ‘End of the line’ –

The conflict has spread across the region, with hundreds killed by Israeli strikes in Lebanon, including at least eight more who died on Beirut’s blood-stained seafront where displaced families were camping in tents.

After the Iran-backed Hezbollah group announced a new operation against Israel on Wednesday, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said he was ordering troops to “prepare for expanding” attacks on Lebanon.

The violence has killed more than 687 people in Lebanon, according to authorities, while more than 800,000 people have registered as displaced.

In Iran, over three million people have been displaced by the war, according to new figures issued Thursday by the UN’s refugee agency.

Israel’s military said it had began a new “wide-scale” wave of strikes in Iran on Thursday, including one southeast of Tehran that it said had targeted a site used for developing nuclear weapons.

Satellite imagery from Wednesday shows what appeared to be three strikes from bunker-busting munitions at the Parchin military facility.

US forces said they had struck 28 Iranian mine-laying vessels amid fears that Tehran could render the Strait of Hormuz unnavigable.

The Strait, through which a fifth of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) passes, lies off Iran and is just 54 kilometres (34 miles) wide at its narrowest point.

Tehran has vowed that not one litre of oil will be exported from the Gulf while US-Israeli attacks continue, although industry figures suggest its own sanction-hit exports are continuing to get through.

– Oil prices spike again –

Oil prices have soared past $100 a barrel despite an announcement that leading consumer countries would authorise a record release of their strategic crude reserves in action coordinated by the IEA.

The move was not enough to allay fears of a global crisis.

“In trading desk language, the IEA release is the equivalent of pointing a garden hose at a refinery blaze,” commented Stephen Innes at SPI Asset Management.

Iran’s health ministry said on March 8 that more than 1,200 people have been killed in the war, a figure AFP has not been able to independently verify.

In Israel, authorities said 14 people have been killed, while attacks in the Gulf have killed 24 people, including 11 civilians and seven US military personnel, according to local authorities and the US Central Command.

The war has cost the United States more than $11.3 billion, lawmakers were told in a Pentagon briefing, according to the New York Times.

(AFP. Photo: AFP)