Frozen hope: How egg freezing can give you a second chance at motherhood, By Abayomi Ajayi

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Abayomi Ajayi - Wikipedia

You never imagined you’d be considering freezing your eggs. You, who had been too busy falling in love, had accepted that life doesn’t always follow a straight line or so you thought.

Then, at 35, the physician spoke words that struck deep: “Your ovarian reserve is lower than expected for your age.”

You nodded politely, playing along, pretending you understood and were fine. But on the drive home, the words echoed in your mind: “Egg reserve lower than expected.”

Your body had already begun penning the end to a tale you hadn’t even started.

That night, you rolled and turned, the glow of your phone lighting the ceiling, scrolling through stories of women who waited too long.

You read about egg freezing, the biology behind it, the success rates, and the costs that made your stomach turn. You read about women who did it at 20, about the “luckiest” who didn’t have to. But above all, you read about hope. By morning, you had made the appointment.

In the clinic, when the nurse called your name, you followed her into a small room lined with posters of fertility options. She explained hormonal stimulations, egg retrieval, success rates, and complications. You nodded, taking notes you’d never refer to again. The truth was, you didn’t need more information; you needed time, and this was your only option for buying some.

The shots started a week later, acts of faith performed under fluorescent lights. You watched your body respond to hormones, your moods swinging like a pendulum. You whispered little prayers into the mirror at night. You told almost no one, because it was too intimate, too sacred to share.

On egg retrieval day, you wore the slippery hospital gown that tied awkwardly at the back, trying to still the butterflies in your belly. The anaesthesiologist smiled kindly, and the nurse held your hand. When you woke, your mouth dry, the first thing you asked was, “How many?” “13,” the nurse said. You smiled through the mist of anaesthesia. 13! It felt like a lucky number.

That night, after settling at home with a heating pad and a cup of tea, you got the call from the embryologist confirming that the eggs were safely frozen, vitrified in sub-zero temperatures, your personal time capsules, stored in liquid nitrogen, waiting for a future you could hardly imagine. Relief washed over you. After all those months, you finally felt like you could breathe again.

Years passed. You were taken up with work, trips, and the small joys of your late 30s. You watched friends marry, have children, divorce; you cheered at baby showers, sent gifts, smiled for photos. Inside, there was still a tender ache, but you carried it lightly, like a wound that no longer hurt.

Sometimes you thought of those 13 icy eggs, tucked away in a tank somewhere in a sterile lab. Years passed. You turned 40, then 41. Then, one summer day, you met him. He was not what you had imagined, quiet, gentle, the kind of man who asks questions and listens to the answers.

You told him about your past, the breakups, the fertility tests, the storage tank of frozen eggs somewhere in the city.

You thought he might stutter or vanish. Instead, he took your hands and said, “Then maybe that’s how our story begins.” And it did.

A year later, you returned to the same clinic, your heart pounding just as forcefully as before. Thirteen eggs, still waiting for you. Everything was different this time, more clinical, less isolating. There were tests and waiting rooms, anxious days and silent nights. But there was laughter, too, shared meals, whispered dreams.

When the embryologist called with the news, three good embryos, you wept on your partner’s shoulder. Three chances, three tiny beginnings.

Pregnancy, when it came, was both a miracle and a marathon. Every milestone felt uncertain, each doctor’s appointment a leap of faith. You measured time in heartbeats and sonograms. And then, one golden afternoon in late May, you held your daughter in your arms for the first time.

Her cry was raw, urgent, the voice of life making its demand. You looked into her smooth fingers, her perfect face, and remembered the woman you had once been ten years ago: solitary in that waiting room, fearful and determined. You wished you could go back and speak to her: It works. It’s worth it.

Now, as you watch your daughter stumble across the living room floor, you can’t help but wonder what would have happened if you hadn’t placed that call, hadn’t taken that step.

You think of all the women sitting out there right now, weighing the same choice, wrestling with the same doubts.

If you could tell them anything, you would say this: egg freezing is not about surrendering love or motherhood. It’s about giving yourself permission to dream and taking back your timeline, your decisions, your life. It’s not easy. It’s not guaranteed. But it is powerful.

You’d tell them about the needles, the bruises, the endless waiting, the phone call that changed everything, the tears that finally came, the baby now sleeping softly in the next room. You’d tell them that hope, when frozen, doesn’t fade. It simply waits, quietly, faithfully, for the moment it’s called to life.

Egg freezing, or oocyte cryopreservation, has risen exponentially in the last decade. Once experimental, it is now a possibility for thousands of women delaying motherhood due to health, personal, or professional reasons.

The process involves stimulating the ovaries to produce multiple eggs, retrieving them, and freezing them at very low temperatures using a method called vitrification.

Success rates vary according to age, but are best in women under 35. Yet the emotional mathematics of egg freezing is about far more than numbers. For many, it is not about producing more babies; it is about autonomy, agency, and the comforting knowledge that biology need not dictate destiny.

You never thought you’d be the kind of person to have her eggs frozen. And yet, here you are, proof that sometimes the best things in life begin when you find the courage to turn back the clock.

Credit: Abayomi Ajayi

PDP NWC suspends national secretary, national legal adviser, others

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National Working Committee (NWC) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has suspended the National Legal Adviser, Kamaldeen Ajibade; National Secretary, Senator Samuel Anyanwu; Deputy Legal Adviser, Okechukwu Osuoha; and National Organizing Secretary, Umaru Bature for one month following a court ruling that halted the party’s planned national convention.

Addressing the press, the PDP National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, said the decision followed an emergency NWC meeting held on Saturday at the party’s office, Legacy House, located in Maitama, Abuja.

Ologunagba stated: “The NWC, in line with the party’s constitution, came to the following conclusion: the National Legal Adviser, Kamaldeen Ajibade (SAN); Deputy Legal Adviser, Okechukwu Osuoha; National Secretary, Senator Samuel Anyanwu; and National Organizing Secretary have been suspended for one month and referred to the PDP Disciplinary Committee.”

Successful Muslim man belongs to many women, not just one ―Realist woman says

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May be an image of 1 person, braids and smiling

Realist Ghanaian woman, Jibril Rafatu, has said that a successful Muslim man does not belong to just one woman.

Rafatu, who stated this in a Facebook post, said she accepts polygamy not just because she is a Muslim, but because her tribe had even practiced the custom before Islam.

She further wrote that a woman helping her husband to establish himself does not stop him from taking another wife, hence women should also focus on personal growth while supporting their spouses.

See her post below:

A successful muslim man belongs to many women, not just one - Ghanaian woman says

Court restrains PDP from holding its coming national convention

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Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, Nigeria, has barred Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from holding the coming national convention over alleged violations of the 1999 Constitution, the Electoral Act 2022, and the party’s own internal constitution.

The opposition party has scheduled its national convention for 15-16 of November, 2025 at Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria.

Delivering judgment in the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/2120/2025, the judge held that the PDP failed to conduct valid state congresses in several states and also breached the law by failing to issue the mandatory 21-day notice to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) before convening the convention.

Omotosho ruled that the irregularities were fundamental and rendered the entire process leading to the proposed convention invalid.

“The failure of the PDP to comply with the law has put the planned convention in jeopardy. The party must do the needful before going ahead with the election,” he declared.

“All convention notices must be jointly signed by the National Chairman and National Secretary, signing of such documents by the chairman alone was unlawful.

“INEC is not entitled to give effect to the outcome of any political party convention that does not comply with the provisions of the Constitution, the Electoral Act, and relevant party guidelines.

“INEC is consequently restrained from monitoring, recognising, or publishing the outcome of any PDP convention that did not meet the legal requirements.”

US declares Nigeria ‘country of particular concern’ over Christian genocide claims

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SKOREA-POLITICS-APEC

United States President, Donald Trump, has declared Nigeria as a ‘country of particular concern’ in response to allegations of a Christian genocide in the country.

Trump announced his decision in a Truth Social post on Friday, which was shared on the White House’s X handle.

According to a publication by the Family Research Council in 2022, to declare a country a  “country of particular concern” is an official designation typically made by the US government, primarily the Secretary of State, under specific US laws.

Particular meaning and implications of the designation depend on the specific legislation applied, but it generally indicates that the country engages in activities detrimental to US interests or universal human rights standards.

US President, in the post, wrote: “Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. Thousands of Christians are being killed. Radical Islamists are responsible for this mass slaughter. I am hereby making Nigeria a ‘country of particular concern.’

“But that is the least of it. When Christians, or any such group, are slaughtered like is happening in Nigeria (3,100 versus 4,476 Worldwide), something must be done!

“I am asking Congressman Riley Moore, together with Chairman Tom Cole and the House Appropriations Committee, to immediately look into this matter and report back to me.

“The United States cannot stand by while such atrocities are happening in Nigeria and numerous other countries. We stand ready, willing, and able to save our Great Christian population around the World!”

(Photo: Anthony Wallace, AFP)

Is the ADC Tinubu’s puppet?, By Donu Kogbara

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The long goodbye, by Donu Kogbara - Vanguard News

Omoyele Sowore, the controversial activist and owner of Sahara Reporters, recently stated in a Channels TV interview with Seun Akinbaloye that Tinubu is “in complete control” of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, coalition…and that “all” of the main ADC politicians are secretly working for Tinubu behind the scenes.

This is an explosive claim; and the possibility that it is true scares the hell out of me! The idea that ADC stalwarts are collecting hefty backhanders to deceive the electorate and sink the Opposition is making my head spin; and I’m fervently praying that Sowore is wrong about at least SOME or MOST of the ADC bigwigs.

There will always be spies, saboteurs and traitors within Naija political groupings. But I think it is fair to say that even in this country where principles are rarely rewarded and specialists in unethical conduct win most battles, there are strong men who aren’t totally unscrupulous or ever-ready to sell their souls to the highest bidders; and I want to believe that Atiku, El-Rufai, David Mark, Amaechi et al are playing a sincere game and planning to give Tinubu a run for his money in 2027.

However, even if ADC leaders are genuinely willing to ferociously focus on making their party a credible rival to Tinubu’s APC in the coming months, I very much doubt that Peter Obi, my favourite presidential aspirant, will gain any significant benefit from the coalition.

I recently asked Vanguard readers whether they share my view that Obi may be better off staying with the Labour Party, ridding it of bad eggs and beefing it up to make it electorally viable in 2027.

Here are some of the reactions I have received:

From Anthony Chukwunyem (tonychiedu@yahoo.com)

Dear Madam,

No, you are not being unrealistic in not wanting Mr. Peter Obi to join the ADC because most analysts know that Atiku will be the party’s flag bearer.

I hope and pray that Obi does not make the mistake of accepting to be Atiku’s running mate because the former Vice President is like the rest of them (Tinubu and his group).

But then, the Labour Party is not the platform it was during the 2023 election. The party may even be disqualified from fielding candidates in 2027.

So what should Obi do? It’s a difficult question for most of us Obidients. But my view is that he should pull out from the ADC now and declare that he won’t run in 2027 unless we have electoral reforms.

While this will make a lot of his supporters unhappy, there is overwhelming evidence that the Nigerian state has been captured by people who won’t allow free and fair elections in 2027.

By leading a campaign for electoral reforms, Obi will show that he has not given up on Nigeria. Also, although 2027 is looking like a done deal for Tinubu, only God knows the future.

+234 9115336734, from Mr Bazakey Nwankwo.

Dear Donu, I write to disagree with comments made by one Mr Maduako, a Vanguard reader, which you published on September 12 concerning Peter and whether he should remain with the Labour Party or fully embrace ADC.

Honestly, I don’t believe that defeating President Tinubu will ever be easy no matter the political party one adopts, considering the fact that APC moles have succeeded in infiltrating almost all the political parties in Nigeria with one goal which is to destabilise them to ensure that no credible candidate emerges to challenge Mr President.

Peter Obi should not pair with anybody because what Nigeria needs today is a liberator who is not encumbered by either weak party structure or people who do not have the same vision with him.

Obi is not our usual desperate politician who can willingly dine with the devil just to grab power for personal gains. The suggestion that Obi should manage VP slot just to unseat Tinubu does not fly at all.

What we need is a visioner with clear vision on how to salvage Nigeria. If Obi does not succeed, so be it; but to do the wrong thing just to grab power is one road we Nigerians cannot afford to travel on again.

It may take some time but one thing I know is that our much-anticipated change is on the way coming, if not in 2027, certainly later because no man can stop an idea that has become a moving train.

 +234 816 111 4572 Mike, Mushin Lagos.

Dear Donu, Peter Obi is now politically matured and should endeavour to take the right decisions; unlike in 2022 when he took the wrong decision of leaving the PDP that ultimately paved the way for a Tinubu presidency that is now showing us ‘pepper’.

Obi should now go back to PDP, step down for Jonathan and jointly deal with the Wike threat. Show Tinubu you are ready for the worst from him. Be ‘man enough’ for this ‘rofo rofo’ fight.

Credit: Donu Kogbara

Court sacks Zamfara rep for defecting from PDP to APC

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Court sacks Zamfara rep over defection to APC

Nigeria’s Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, has sacked Rep Abubakar Gummi, for defecting from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Gummi, represents Gummi/Bukkuyum Federal Constituency of Zamfara in the House of Representatives,

In his judgment, restrained the Speaker, House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, from further recognising Gummi as member representing Gummi/ Bukkuyum Federal Constituency.

 

Tinubu decorates new Service Chiefs after Senate confirmation

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Tinubu decorates new Service Chiefs with ranks

Following their confirmation by the Nigerian Senate, President Bola Tinubu on Thursday formally decorated Nigeria’s new service chiefs at the Council Chamber of the Presidential Villa, Abuja.

The ceremony, which began shortly after 2pm, saw Tinubu joined by Vice President Kashim Shettima and the officers’ spouses, each in their respective service uniforms, as they pinned the new ranks on the appointees.

Those decorated were General Olufemi Oluyede as Chief of Defence Staff, Lieutenant-General Wahidi Shaibu as Chief of Army Staff, Air Marshal Kennedy Aneke as Chief of Air Staff, and Vice Admiral Idi Abbas as Chief of Naval Staff.

Nigerian Senate confirmed the four nominees on Wednesday after a two-hour closed-door screening, during which lawmakers questioned them on strategies to enhance national security and improve coordination across the armed forces. Tinubu had earlier requested an expedited confirmation to “ensure continuity in the nation’s security leadership.”

The event was attended by senior government officials, lawmakers, family members of the service chiefs, and top officers from the military.

The decorations come just a week after a major reshuffle in the military hierarchy, described by the Presidency as part of efforts to inject new direction into Nigeria’s defence architecture. The Chief of Defence Intelligence, Major General E. A. P. Undiendeye, retained his position.

Addressing speculation linking the reshuffle to a supposed coup plot, Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, said: “The President acted within his authority as Commander-in-Chief. Service chiefs can be hired and fired by the President.”

Earlier on Monday, Tinubu met privately with the new service chiefs at the Villa. They arrived in a black Mercedes-Benz Sprinter van escorted by a green Toyota Land Cruiser for a 40-minute session, during which the President tasked them with taking decisive action against insurgents and bandits, especially in the north.

The reshuffle followed reports on October 19 alleging a coup plot by some officers, claims later dismissed by Defence Headquarters as “false and mischievous.” Brigadier-General Tukur Gusau, Director of Defence Information, said the reports stemmed from “issues of indiscipline” and were meant to “cause unnecessary tension and distrust among the populace.”

As protests rock Biya’s win in Cameroon, opposition leaders reject official election results

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Supporters of opposition presidential candidate Issa Tchiroma, protest on the streets of Garoua, Cameroon, Sunday, Oct. 26, 2025. (AP Photo/Welba Yamo Pascal)

Opposition leaders in Cameroon Tuesday contested the official results of the Oct. 12 presidential election after the country’s top court declared the world’s oldest leader Paul Biya winner as protests continued across the country.

Citizens began protesting in mid-October after opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary claimed victory as the official results were still being tallied. Since then, security forces have clashed with angry protesters in many cities including Douala and Garoua – opposition strongholds – and in the capital, Yaounde. At least four people have been shot and hundreds arrested as opposition supporters demanded credible results.

The Constitutional Council on Monday said Biya won the election with 53.66% against his former ally-turned challenger, Tchiroma, who received 35.19%. The results are final and cannot be appealed.

International bodies and human rights organizations on Tuesday condemned the violent response to the protests.

The European Union said in a statement Tuesday that it was “deeply concerned” by the violent repression of the demonstrations that took place on Oct. 26 and 27 and deploring the death by firearm of a number of civilians.

The U.N. Secretary-General echoed these concerns, calling on political stakeholders and their supporters to “exercise restraint, reject violence and refrain from any inflammatory rhetoric and hate speech.” Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International and other rights groups have also noted “excessive use of force” against protesters and have called for an investigation into the deaths.

(AP. Photo: AP)

Names, profiles of 16 Nigerian military officers detained for alleged coup plot

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Brigadier General Musa Abubakar Sadiq and Colonel M.A. Ma'aji - two of the officers in detention for alleged coup plot

As military investigators continue probing the foiled coup plot against President Bola Tinubu’s administration, Premium Times reports that it has exclusively obtained details of the identities of 16 of the top military officers allegedly involved in the failed attempt.

Sources with details of the ongoing investigations earlier told the medium that 14 of the 16 detained officers with regards to the coup plot are from the Nigerian Army. The remaining two, they said, are from the Navy and the Air Force.

According to Premium Times sources, 12 of the 14 army officers belong to the Infantry Corps, the army’s frontline combat unit whose troops primarily engage in ground battles. One officer is from the Signals Corps, which manages military communications, while another serves in the Ordnance Corps, responsible for procuring, storing, and maintaining weapons, ammunition, vehicles, and other essential hardware.

The army officers include a brigadier general, a colonel, four lieutenant colonels, five majors, two captains, and a lieutenant. The remaining two are a lieutenant commander from the Navy, the naval equivalent of a major, and a squadron leader from the Air Force, which holds the exact rank equivalence.

The military and the Nigerian Government have chosen to remain silent on the coup plot, with the Defence Headquarters only stating that it was not the reason for the low-key Independence Anniversary on 1 October.

Profiles of officers in detention over alleged coup plot

1.Brigadier General Musa Abubakar Sadiq
Born on 3 January 1974, Mr Sadiq is a brigadier general with service number N/10321, trained as an NDA cadet between 14 August 1992 and 20 September 1997. He is suspected to be the leader of the coup plot.

As a member of Regular Course 44, Mr Sadiq, an indigene of Nasarawa State, rose through the ranks, becoming a colonel in 2015 and a brigadier four years later. He belongs to the infantry corps.

This is not the first time Mr Sadiq has made headlines for alleged gross misconduct. In October 2024, he was reportedly detained for “alleged diversion of rice palliatives, selling of military equipment, including generator sets and operational vehicles to scrap yards.” Among other postings, the officer served as Commander of the 3rd Brigade in Kano and Garrison Commander of the 81 Division Army in Lagos.

2. Colonel M.A. Ma’aji
Mr Ma’aji is a colonel with service number N/10668. Born on 1st March 1976, the Nupe native from Niger State started training on 18 August 1995 and finished on 16 September 2000. Investigators suspect he played the role of a key strategist for the coup plot. PREMIUM TIMES has not been able to verify that claim.

A member of the infantry corps, Mr Ma’aji was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel in 2013, becoming a full colonel four years later. The 49-year-old officer was the Commanding Officer of the 19 Battalion of the Nigerian Army based in Okitipupa, Ondo State.

He took part in Operation Crocodile Smile II, a Nigerian Army military exercise conducted in 2017 to address security challenges in the Niger Delta and parts of the South-west. He also served at Depot, Nigerian Army and later as Commander, Operation Delta Safe.

He was a member of the 47 Regular Course of the NDA.

3. Lt. Colonel S. Bappah
Mr Bappah, a member of the Nigerian Army Signals Corps, with service number N/13036, is from Bauchi State in North-East Nigeria. He was born on 21 June 1984.

The 41-year-old officer started his cadet training on 27 September 2004 and completed it on 4 October 2008.

He is a member of the 56 Regular Course of the NDA

4. Lt Colonel A.A. Hayatu
Mr Hayatu, now a lieutenant colonel with service number N/13038, hails from Kaduna State.

Born on 13 August 1983, he underwent his cadet training between 27 September 2004 and 04 October 2008.

A member of the infantry corps, Mr Ma’aji was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel in 2013, becoming a full colonel four years later. The 49-year-old officer was the Commanding Officer of the 19 Battalion of the Nigerian Army based in Okitipupa, Ondo State.

He took part in Operation Crocodile Smile II, a Nigerian Army military exercise conducted in 2017 to address security challenges in the Niger Delta and parts of the South-west. He also served at Depot, Nigerian Army and later as Commander, Operation Delta Safe.

He was a member of the 47 Regular Course of the NDA.

5. P. Dangnap
Mr Dangnap is from Plateau State. He was born on 1 April 1986. In 2015, he was court-martialed alongside 29 others for offences related to the fight against Boko Haram.

The 39-year-old officer, with service number N/13025 began his cadet training on 27 September 2004 and completed it on 4 October 2008.

An infantry corps officer, Mr Dangnap is also a member of the 56 Regular Course of the NDA.

6. Lt. Colonel M. Almakura
A member of the 56 Regular Course, Mr Al Makura, a lieutenant colonel from Nasarawa State, was born on 18 March 1983.

The infantry corps officer with service number N/12983 trained as a cadet at the NDA from 27 September 2004 to 4 October 2008.

7. Major A. J Ibrahim
Mr Ibrahim, a major with service number N/13065, hails from Gombe State.

Born on 12 June 1987, the Infantry Corps officer trained between 27 September 2004 and 4 October 2008.

He was a member of the 56 Regular Course, and he became a captain in 2013.

8. Major M.M. Jiddah
An indigene of Katsina State, Major Jiddah, was born on 9 July 1985.

He trained between 27 September 2004 and 4 October 2008.

Mr Jiddah is an infaArmy officer and a member of the 56 Regular Course.

His service number is N/13003.

9. Major M.A. Usman
Mr Usman is a Nigerian Army major with service number N/15404.

He was born on 1 April 1989. He hails from the Federal Capital Territory, in North-central Nigeria.

A member of the 60th Regular Course, the infantry officer trained as a cadet at the NDA between 16 August 2008 and 14 September 2012.

10. Major D. Yusuf
Mr Yusuf, a major with service number N/14753, is a member of the Ordnance Corps.

He was born on 26 May 1988. As a member of the 59th Regular Course, Mr Yusuf trained at NDA between 7 July 2007 and 8 September 2012.

The officer hails from Gombe State.

11. Major I. Dauda
Mr Dauda joined the army through the Direct Short Service Commissions.

Born on 26 November 1983, the infantry officer with service number N/13625, trained between 5 June 2009 and 27 March 2010.

Mr Dauda, who hails from Jigawa, is a member of Short Service Commission Course 38.

As of press time, details about the remaining five officers listed below are sketchy. They are also being detained for alleged involvement in the coup plot. Below is a little information about them:

12. Captain Ibrahim Bello
Mr Bello is a captain with service number N/16266. He was born on 28 July 1987. He is a member of the Direct Short Service Commission Course 43.

13. Captain A.A Yusuf
He is an army captain with service number N/16724.

14. Lieutenant S.S Felix
A lieutenant with service number N/18105.

15. Lieutenant Commander D. B. Abdullahi
He is a Nigerian Navy personnel with service number NN/3289.

16. Squandron Leader S. B Adamu
An Air Force squadron leader with service number NAF/3481.

(Premium Times)

The $470 Million Abuja CCTV Scandal, By Olusegun Adeniyi

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Following the adoption of ‘a motion of urgent public importance’ moved by Hon Amobi Ogah, the House of Representatives resolved last week to investigate the ‘$460 million’ Chinese loan secured by the President Goodluck Jonathan administration to procure and install Closed-Circuit Televisions (ICCTV) cameras in strategic locations within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. This is the third time the House will ‘probe’ this project. That no report was previously issued, and they cannot even get the accurate contract figure is very telling about how they keep records in that place.

Perhaps I should refresh the memory of our Abuja lawmakers. In May 2016, the House established an ad hoc committee headed by Hon Ahmed Yerima to investigate the scandalous project. From what transpired during that exercise, the CCTV cameras were part of the National Public Security Communications System (NPSCS) contract awarded in 2010 to a Chinese company, ZTE Corporation, at a total cost of $470 million (not $460 million). The Chinese Exim Bank provided a $399.5million loan while the federal government paid the balance of 15 percent, amounting to $70.5 million in counter-part funding.

However, when committee members visited what was supposed to be the switch centre at the Nigeria Police Headquarters in Abuja, they were shocked to discover that out of the 1,000 cameras imported at the time, only 40 were said to be “online”. The remaining 960, according to police officers manning the centre, “are down”. Since the project was to generate data by using the code division multiple access (CDMA) technology, even the small amount of equipment brought in soon became obsolete. An angry Tony Nwulu, a member of the visiting House committee, said the project was “planned to fail from the beginning.” At plenary, another member, Hassan Saleh, alleged that ZTE Corporation installed substandard CCTV cameras and that they built into the contract a condition (either accepted or not seen by the officials who signed on behalf of Nigeria) that details should never be made public!

Meanwhile, the contract was awarded without the required Certificate of No Objection from the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) which meant it bypassed due process. Then BPP Director General, Mr. Emeka Eze, confirmed that much to the House committee. But the Nigerian Communications Satellite (NigComSat), which acted as consultant for the project, blamed its eventual abandonment on funding. A former NigComSat Director General, Mr Ahmed Rufai, who served as a member of the project management team, said the federal government failed to provide the required “operational funds” to run the system which he claimed was completed in 2012. “The situation with the project is like buying a new car and refusing to provide money to buy fuel”, Rufai told the lawmakers. “How will the car function?” Corroborating Rufai, the then Managing Director of ZTE Corporation, Mr Hao Fuqiang, said the project was shut down around 2013 due to “non-operational” fund. But he failed to respond to the allegation that N10.8 billion worth of import waivers were granted to ZTE Corporation by the federal government because of the same contract.

Despite all the public revelations, Nigerians never got to know the findings from the House probe. But in yet another exercise on 24 October 2019, the House Committee on Finance, then chaired by James Faleke, demanded further explanations on the Abuja CCTV camera project from the Ministry of Finance at a budget defence session. “Before this administration, we collected some loans and the one that strikes me the most is the 460 million dollars (again, a wrong figure) for CCTV installation in Abuja,” Faleke had told then Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed. In response, Ahmed (currently, the World Bank Group Executive Director representing Angola, Nigeria, and South Africa) said: “We are servicing the loan, but on the project, we will have to ask the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Authority because the project was deployed in the FCT. I have no information on the status of the CCTV.”

While the lawmakers did nothing with the damning revelation by Ahmed, it was enough for the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) to institute a court action, using the Freedom of Information Act. Like many of the numerous cases by SERAP, it went on for years. But a few days before the late President Muhammadu Buhari left office in May 2023, SERAP secured a landmark judgment. Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court in Abuja ordered the federal government to publish the total amount of money paid to Chinese and local companies and contractors as well as the status of the Abuja CCTV project.

What happened after the judgment? Nothing! Even the House of Representatives whose probe prompted SERAP to seek judicial intervention was not interested in the matter. Now, the same House is setting up another probe either to entertain the pubic or engineer a shakedown. But whatever may be their motivation, the story of the Abuja CCTV project is the classic metaphor of Nigeria’s public sector. From the financiers to the equipment suppliers and installers, a $470 million project was designed in the full knowledge that it would fail. The project predictably failed, and public money is now being expended to fund many legislative investigations in a questionable rigmarole that goes on forever.

In Nyesom Wike, if you can excuse his political hubris, the FCT has a Minister who is delivering road infrastructure at an unprecedented pace. But security of lives and property, for which the CCTV cameras project was initiated 15 years ago, is now a serious challenge. More unfortunately, while another dubious foolery goes on in the House of Representatives, Nigerians are being taxed to pay both the principal and interest of a $470 million loan secured for a project that began and ended as an intentional fraud.

Christopher Kolade’s Parting Words

President Bola Tinubu was merely echoing the sentiment of most Nigerians when he described the late Dr Christopher Kolade as someone who “was exceptionally brilliant, statesmanly, diligent, and had unimpeachable integrity.” But what most people were probably not aware of was the incredible mentorship role the acclaimed broadcaster, diplomat, and corporate leader, played for members of the younger generations of Nigerians. I am a beneficiary of that 20 years ago through the Nigeria Leadership Initiative (NLI) founded by the former Finance/Trade and Investment Minister, Olusegun Aganga, with Kolade as founding patron.

Since the passage of Kolade, I have been reflecting on those memorable four days I had the privilege of spending with him and others as recounted in my 25th January 2006 column, “When Last Did You Shoot an Elephant?”. Before I go to Kolade’s powerful invocation which I have read again and again in recent days, let me first provide the background. As editor of THISDAY Newspaper in November 2005, I got an invitation from Aganga (with whom I had no prior association or contact) to a special Aspen Leadership Seminar on Nigeria to be held in Hertfordshire, United Kingdom. While I was curious about the names of other participants, Aganga, (then Managing Director of Goldman Sachs in London) only assured me they were all distinguished Nigerians from home and the Diaspora. It was when I got to the UK that I realized who they were and even now, two decades later, I still fail to understand what qualified me to be among them.

We were 28 in all. 14 from the Diaspora and 14 from home. From the Diaspora (based on their designations at the time) were Mr. Adebayo Ogunlesi, then the executive vice chairman of Credit Suisse First Boston in New York (now, a bigger fish in the global financial ocean); Professor Tayo Akinwande, then of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT); Dr. Festus Dada, President of Crown Medical Group, California and Professor Femi Oyebode, then Head of the Department of Psychiatry, University of Birmingham. Others were Mr Jide Zeitlin, then CEO of The Keffi Group; Mr Dele Olojede, first African Pulitzer prize winner in journalism; Dr. Seyi Solebo, then a paediatrician with Barking, Havering and Redbridge Hospitals NHS Trust, UK; Mrs. Lola Oni, (MBE), then Professional Service Director, Brent Sickle Cell & Thalassaemia Centre, London; Ambassador Ayo Oke, then Head, Office of Deputy Secretary General, Commonwealth Secretariat. There was also Professor Jacob Olupona of Harvard University, as well as Dr. Olu Obaro, then head of department of Radiology at The King George Hospital, Ilford, London; Mr Gboyega Delano, President/CEO, Ilora L’Original Beauty Concepts, Inc; Mr Jimi Morgan, FCA, of J. Morgan & Associates and Aganga, the promoter and coordinator of the programme.

From home were Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, then the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chairman; Mallam Nasir el-Rufai, then the FCT Minister; Mrs Bola Adesola, then Executive Director at First Bank; Mr Bunmi Oni, then MD/CEO of Cadbury Plc; Mr Tony Elumelu, then MD/CEO of UBA; Mr Jim Ovia, then MD/CEO of Zenith and Mr Asue Ighodalo of Banwo & Ighodalo. Others were Father (not yet a Bishop at the time) Matthew Hassan Kukah, then of the Catholic Archdiocese of Kaduna; Major General Sarki Mukhtar (rtd), a former military governor; Mrs Ndidi Okonkwo Nwuneli, Founder (and then CEO) of LEAD-Africa; Dr. Adhiambo Odaga, then Ford Foundation Representative in West Africa; Dame Bridget Itsueli of Lagos Resource Centre and Mr Hassan Oye Odukale, the then MD/CEO of Leadway Assurance. I am sure readers would by now be surprised, as I then was, on why Aganga added my name to the list of these eminent Nigerians.

At the secluded four-day seminar, we were joined by Kolade, who was then Nigeria’s High Commissioner in the United Kingdom. And it was obvious he was part of the idea considering his profound contributions which form the kernel of this intervention. Modelled after other Aspen Institute’s leadership offerings from the Henry Crown Fellowship Programme to the Africa Leadership Initiative, the seminar was text-based and moderated by two respected scholars: Peter Reiling, a former Columbia University professor, and Keith Berwick, a four-time Emmy Award winning television broadcaster and former University of California professor of history. Using the Aspen format, they drew on the wisdom and experience of participants to prompt an in-depth dialogue on a range of leadership issues.

Throughout the four days, Kolade sat with us from morning till evening and participated in all the sessions. He also gave the opening remarks which reveal his thoughts about Nigeria:

“When Segun (Aganga) came to me with this idea, I bought into it immediately because many of our country men and women say that the Nigerian dream is broken and, in a way, I quite agree. But I also know that it can be fixed, and some people must do it. That is exactly why I have pursued the Nigerians in the Diaspora wherever I met them as I asked whether they did not see themselves as playing a role in the development of our country.

“I need to state, however, that by inviting you here from home and abroad, we are not trying to develop new leaders. That is not the role I see for you because you are already leaders in your different fields. Indeed, there are many Nigerians in leadership roles, people who are making waves but have not applied their minds to rebuilding the Nigerian dream. Each person in this room can claim to have led successful initiatives in Nigeria but what I see missing is collective ownership, that is why we must all join hands together. 

“We have a high concentration of Nigerians in leadership positions in the Diaspora, and my own role is really to awaken them, to mobilise them to come together and help fix our broken dream. But as I speak to those of you in the Diaspora now, there are many people in Nigeria who see you as mere ‘Andrews’ who ran away from the problems at home and I have actually come across many Nigerians abroad who speak of their country in the second person, that is not the kind of attitude we should encourage. 

I believe it is time we brought together Nigerians who in their own little ways are making efforts so that through common ownership, we can rebuild our society. That is the genesis of my involvement in this project. Ownership is an abstract thing, but it is one thing you must have to be effective in any project. All of you in this room are much younger than me and if you think my generation brutalised Nigeria and that we are responsible for your problems today, it is okay. But you must also realise one thing, my generation does not own tomorrow, it is your generation that owns tomorrow. What should therefore preoccupy your minds is how to fix Nigeria rather than waste your time on blaming and condemning who broke it.”

With that, Kolade set the tone for the conversations about Nigeria that lasted four days. But it was his closing remark that was most profound, especially for our young people in a season like this. I will soon get to it. Meanwhile, some of the recommended publications we were enjoined to read ahead of the seminar and which formed the basis of our four-day interactions were, ‘Nicomachean Ethics and Rhetoric’ by Aristotle, ‘Leviathan’ by Thomas Hobbes, ‘The Paradoxes of Sovereignty’ by Karl Popper, and ‘The Muqaddimah’ by Ibn Khaldun. Other recommended books were ‘Long Walk to Freedom’ by Nelson Mandela, ‘Letter to the Earth’ by Mark Twain, ‘How Much Land Does a Man Need?’ by Leo Tolstoy, ‘Ozymandias’ by Percy Bysshe Shelley, ‘No Longer At Ease’ by Chinua Achebe, ‘Capitalism and Freedom’ by Milton Friedman, ‘The Social Contract’ by John Jacques Rousseau, ‘The Communist Manifesto’ by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, ‘Equality and Efficiency: The Big Trade-off’ by Arthur Okun, ‘The Merit of Agriculture’ by Thomas Jefferson, ‘In Our Postmodern World’ by Vaclav Havel, ‘A Search for Self-Transcendence; Business and the Good Society’ by James O’Toole, ‘The Prince’ by Niccolo Machiavelli and, of course, my favourite, ‘Shooting an Elephant’ by George Orwell.

The conversations that followed were revealing as participants shared diverse life experiences. But what made the sessions most insightful was that at every point during the programme, Kolade made interjections to remind us of why we were there, while also reinforcing the argument that what has been lacking in Nigeria is collective ownership. After the sessions, he hosted us to a dinner at his official residence in London. And then he gave this final message:

“What this gathering reminds me of is the Biblical story of Nehemiah who, while sojourning in Babylon, had to go and rebuild the broken walls of Jerusalem. Many of you are today in foreign lands but Nehemiah’s case was even worse because he was carried into captivity. Yet he volunteered to build the broken walls of his people. How did he do it? He prayed, he fasted, and he acted; after assessing the situation. And he adopted a strategy. For Nigeria, you need to do a Nehemiah which means you have to combine strength with talent because it will not be easy.”

At this point, Kolade paused, perhaps for the effect of what he would say next to sink in:

“As you go out of here with enthusiasm in your desire to help your country, I must warn you of one thing, so you would not go with any illusion: the Nigerian terrain can kill the soul. That means you must be prepared for disappointments.”

From that pioneer session in January 2006, there have been many other cohorts. In fact, the following class of Senior Fellows included former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, Prof Muhammed Ali Pate (current Coordinating Minister of Health), Mr Taiwo Oyedele, Dr Okey Enelamah, Mr Moyo Ajekigbe, Dr Titi Banjoko, Mallam Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim, Senator Udo Udoma, Mrs Maryam Uwais, Mr John Momoh, Dr Reuben Abati, Dr (Mrs) Sarah Alade, Prof Chidi Odinkalu, Prof Tunji Olaopa, Mr A.B. Mahmoud, SAN, Prof. Tayo Adeleke, Mr Gbenga Oyebode, Mr Folusho Philips, Mr Gbolade Oshibodu, Mrs. Clare Omatseye, Mrs Funke Opeke, Mrs Sola David-Borha, Ms. Hauwa Magoro, Mr. Tajudeen Ahmed, Mr. Fela Durotoye, Mr. Aminu Umar-Sadiq and Dr. Tunde Ajia. Several other distinguished Nigerians both at home and in the Diaspora have also, at different times, attended the NLI seminars.

In all these years, the late Kolade has been a father figure for the idea that was designed to instill in leaders and aspiring leaders (in both the public and private secrets) the right values and the impetus to create in Nigeria the good society. Through the NLI, according to Aganga, Kolade’s mentorship “has reached over 400 Senior Fellows, Fellows, and Associates across all public, corporate, and non-profit sectors, with a global reach.” And at every session, he always encouraged participants to reimagine the values that shape our country and what each person could contribute to its peace and prosperity.

Without any doubt, the late Kolade was a great Nigerian patriot who loved and served his country to the very end. May God comfort the family he left behind.

Credit: Olusegun Adeniyi

Protests spread in Tanzania over controversial elections

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Download Flag of Tanzania | Seek Flag

Protests have escalated in major cities across Tanzania as opposition supporters denounce Wednesday’s presidential and parliamentary elections as a sham, the BBC reported on Thursday.

Hundreds of demonstrators also crossed into Kenyan territory, barricading roads, lighting bonfires, and tearing down posters of President Samia Hassan along the way.

Kenyan police said two people died after fleeing running battles with Tanzanian police.

Protesters accuse the government of undermining democracy, as the main opposition leader is in jail and another opposition figure was disqualified from the election, bolstering Samia’s chances of winning.

According to the BBC, anger grew on Thursday after the electoral commission started announcing results, with Samia getting nearly 95% of the vote in south-western Mbea province.

She has also taken the lead in many other constituencies on the mainland and in Zanzibar.

European Union lawmakers call the election a “fraud” that had been “unfolding for months”.

The polling day itself was marred by clashes between opposition supporters and the police.

A day later, Tanzanian military chief Gen Jacob Mkunda blamed “bad characters who wish ill for this country” for the “damage to property and people” during the vote.

Gunfire was heard in the northern city of Mwanza, while clashes broke out in the capital, Dodoma, and the main city Dar es Salaam, which is under heavy security with major roads blocked.

Kenya has warned its citizens not to join protests at the border town of Namanga, where businesses were paralysed.

Tanzanian police fired tear gas to disperse the protesters who engaged them in running battles for most of the day.

The United States Embassy in Tanzania reported that the road to Dar es Salaam’s international airport was among several major routes that remained closed on Thursday.

An eyewitness told the BBC that he saw hundreds of protesters pouring into Mwanza city, which lies on the shores of Lake Victoria and has the biggest population after Dar es Salaam.

“After barely 10 minutes, we started hearing gunfire and tear gas explosions,” he said.

“We see some injured people being evacuated towards our way.”

The government has ordered civil servants to work from home until Friday as tensions escalate.

Rights group Amnesty International said reports that a civilian and a police officer had been killed in clashes on Wednesday were “deeply disturbing”.

A night-time curfew was imposed in Dar es Salaam, with sources telling the BBC that the city’s Muhimbili Hospital had seen an influx of wounded patients.

Internet connectivity also remains severely disrupted across the country – a situation Amnesty warns could further inflame the situation. It called on the authorities to allow unrestricted access to information.

In the meantime, protesters are said to be using a walkie-talkie app, called Zello, to plan their next moves.

President Samia is widely expected to secure a second term after opposition candidates were barred from running. The poll is also anticipated to be a shoo-in for her party, which has never lost an election since independence.

Tundu Lissu, the main opposition leader, is in jail on treason charges, which he denies, and his party boycotted the vote.

Sixteen fringe parties, none of which have historically had significant public support, were cleared to contest against Samia.

The only other serious contender, Luhaga Mpina of the ACT-Wazalendo party, was disqualified on legal technicalities.

Samia came into office in 2021 as Tanzania’s first female president following the death in office of President John Magufuli.

She was initially praised for easing political repression under her predecessor, but the political space has since narrowed, with her government accused of targeting critics through arrests and a wave of abductions.

(BBC. Flag image: Seek Flag)

Nigerian pastor re-arraigned for alleged fondling minor’s breasts

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Nigerian pastor who is also a legal practitioner, Aka-Bashorun Olawale Akanni, was on Wednesday re-arraigned before Justice Hakeem Oshodi of the Lagos State High Court sitting in Ikeja for alleged indecent treatment of a 14-year-old girl.

The charge alleged that the defendant, a lawyer who also serves as a pastor with the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), indecently assaulted the minor at the Iwaya area of Lagos by handling her breasts.

Funmilola Aluko, the prosecution counsel, told the court that the defendant had unlawfully fondled the breasts of the minor contrary to Section 135 of the Criminal Law of Lagos State, 2015.

The defendant pleaded not guilty, and after his plea, defence counsel, Morenikeji Oyekunle, prayed the court to allow her client to continue on the bail earlier granted by a Magistrate’s Court, arguing that he had complied with all conditions and was not a flight risk, being a lawyer and clergyman.

Even though Aluko opposed the bail request, Justice Oshodi upheld the bail conditions previously granted by the Magistrate’s Court and directed the defence counsel to ensure the defendant’s presence at every adjourned date.

After the ruling, the prosecution informed the court that the complainant, now 27 years old, was present and ready to testify.

Led in evidence by the prosecution, the witness told the court that she met the defendant through her father, who was a member of the defendant’s church, the RCCG, on Lagos Island.

She said that in 2010, she moved in with the defendant’s family to improve her academic performance and participate more actively in the church choir.

The witness alleged that the defendant later began to molest her sexually and physically while she lived with him. She narrated incidents of sexual assault and maltreatment, including being subjected to harsh punishment for poor academic results.

According to her, she eventually ran away from the defendant’s house and reported the matter to her parents.

She said she officially lodged a complaint in 2023 after learning of a similar incident involving another minor in the same church.

Under cross-examination, the witness told the court that she first confided in her class teacher, identified as Mrs Akingbeoyewa, about the alleged abuse while still living with the defendant.

At the close of her testimony, the defence requested an adjournment to enable it to obtain the Certified True Copy (CTC) of the witness’s evidence.

The prosecution opposed the application, arguing that further delay could cause emotional distress to the witness.

Justice Oshodi granted the adjournment but invoked Section 193 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Law (ACJL), awarding a cost of N50,000,in favour of the witness, to be paid by the defence before the next trial date.

The judge subsequently adjourned the case to December 9, 2025, for continuation of the trial.

10 reasons your US visa can be revoked

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5 African countries offering visa-free travel

US government has broad discretion to revoke visas if a holder is found to have violated any conditions. Common reasons for visa revocation include:

1. Criminal Activity

Arrests, charges, or convictions for certain crimes can lead to immediate visa revocation. Even minor offences like DUI arrests have triggered cancellations in some cases, especially when the offence raises public safety concerns. According to the Miami University International Student Office, any criminal involvement can cause automatic revocation under US consular policy.

2. Unauthorised Employment

Engaging in work not permitted by the visa classification is a serious violation. A common example is a tourist or student working without authorisation, which the State Department considers grounds for visa cancellation.

3. Failure to Maintain Status

Students who fall below full-time enrollment, workers who lose their jobs, or individuals who overstay their permitted duration may face visa revocation. Under US immigration law, failure to maintain lawful status immediately places a visa holder at risk of cancellation.

4. Security Concerns

Any association with organisations or activities deemed a national security threat can trigger visa cancellation. This includes suspected ties to terrorism or espionage. The State Department routinely conducts security checks and can revoke a visa if credible concerns arise.

5. Ineligibility Under U.S. Immigration Laws (INA Grounds)

New facts, such as health issues, immigration fraud, or smuggling, that make a person inadmissible under the Immigration and Nationality Act can cause revocation. The Department of State is authorised under Section 221(i) of the INA to cancel visas when new ineligibilities appear.

6. Public-Charge or Visa-Purpose Misuse

Using a visa for a purpose inconsistent with its classification, such as permanent employment while on a tourist visa, or becoming a public charge, can cause one’s visa to be revoked. The government considers this a misrepresentation of intent, violating visa conditions.

7. Derogatory Information Discovered After Issuance

Background checks and new intelligence reports may reveal information that renders the visa holder ineligible. When derogatory information or watchlist matches are found, consular officers can revoke the visa at any time.

8. Administrative or Procedural Reasons (Visa Issued in Error)

The State Department can revoke a visa if it was issued improperly, such as through clerical error or incomplete screening. The Foreign Affairs Manual (9 FAM 403.11) specifically allows consular officers to revoke visas issued by mistake.

9. Automatic or Provisional Revocation

Certain visas may be provisionally revoked if the holder fails to comply with updated systems like EVUS (Electronic Visa Update System). Such revocations can be reversed if the issue is corrected.

10. Discretionary or Prudential Revocation

The Department of State also holds “prudential” authority to revoke visas for discretionary reasons when it deems cancellation necessary in the interests of the United States. This means a visa can be revoked even without a specific legal violation, especially in sensitive or security-related cases.

Visa revocation doesn’t always mean a permanent ban, but it often complicates future applications. Once revoked, travellers are typically required to reapply for a new visa and explain the circumstances in full. The best safeguard is simple: follow all visa terms, maintain lawful status, and stay informed about US immigration regulations.

(Vanguard. Photo: Vanguard)

Rivers State and a Nigerian story of poverty, By Abimbola Adelakun

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Some reports emanating from Nigeria succinctly tell a story of how the multi-level dysfunction that affects the country can converge on individuals. Figures are one thing, but stories give flesh to the bare bones of statistics. According to recent reports, a pregnant woman in Rivers State had unfortunately died about a year ago while having her child. Thankfully, the pre-term child survived but had to be placed in intensive care. The extended care the newborn received amounted to around N6m, of which we were told the family could pay only a quarter. Since the balance of the payment was not forthcoming, the hospital detained the mother of the deceased (also the grandmother). At the time of the report, the grandmother and the baby had spent about a year in the hospital. The poor old woman had not only had to grieve the untimely death of her daughter but was also saddled with her grandchild’s caregiving within constricting and highly humiliating circumstances.

In that one story, you can see a compounded pile of familiar Nigerian problems: acute poverty, unaffordable medical care, resort to privatised health services, maternal mortality, and a general lack of a social safety system. There are many things one can say in this instance about the hospital that illegally detained the poor woman, but this is also a complicated story. Yes, as an enterprise in the business of restoring people to wholesomeness, they should not be subjecting them to such inhumanity. Yet, what the healthcare facility runs is a business and not a charity. If they allow everyone who uses their services but is too impoverished to pay to walk away, they will be ruined quickly. They must recoup their money somehow, and Nigeria is not exactly known for a coherent credit system that can track individuals’ creditworthiness and enforce payment plans. Most of our economic transactions are carried out in cash, paid up front. This arrangement puts a lot of stress on individuals like the grandmother in this story, whose life was put on hold for almost a year.

The whole affair is a complex story of systemic failure and lack of structural anchoring that imperils the lives of millions of Nigerians. While the hospital involved in this incident illegally detained the woman and the child, other hospitals save themselves from such hassles by demanding a significant sum upfront before attending to a patient. We had a case go viral this year when a woman in labour, Mrs Folajimi, was rejected by a private healthcare facility in Ibeju-Lekki when her family could not provide the required deposit for the clinic to proceed with her treatment. These heartbreaking stories are not new in Nigeria; they are a regular occurrence.

When the report of the detained grandmother went online, officials of the state’s Ministry of Health (who must have been disturbed by the account like the rest of us and likely also embarrassed that it occurred within their domain) came online to state that they had intervened in the matter. They did not provide details of their intervention, but given how public officials handle such issues, it is likely they negotiated to pay the bills (in whole or in part) to free the poor woman from her captivity. While we thank them for their sensitivity to the plight of the woman and her grandchild, that type of response is also why that situation has been recurrent. We are a society that lacks planning and is therefore unable to build the structures that give life and guarantee dignity for all. When we encounter systemic problems, our instinct is to treat the symptoms rather than confront the structures that have manifested in the single instance. In Rivers State, they will get that grandmother out of the hospital, but that is about where it will end. The larger structural conditions that culminated in the messy situation whereby a bereaved woman had to lose a year of her life will be glossed over by do-good politicians who will find it easier to address a single instance.

The problem of detaining people in hospitals in Nigeria has persisted for a while, and I daresay things have gotten a lot worse due to the debilitating state of the economy. Again, these issues are not new. I cannot count the number of times I have read an article in the newspaper reporting on the trend of detaining poor folks in hospitals because they cannot pay for their medical care.

In some cases, hospitals even detain corpses. The poor grieving family will be forced to search for money, their trauma compounded by the pain of losing a loved one and their remains being held to ransom by a corporate system of healthcare that can be inhumane.

In multiple academic papers, some dating back to 2013, Nigeria has been a constant case study of the global phenomenon of detaining patients in hospitals for failure of their families to pay hospital bills. In 2018, the BBC even made a documentary about that same issue. Seven years later, hardly anything has changed in the situation.

What we are looking at is a poverty problem common to countries that lack a social safety net programme. People are asked to pay for medical care in cash, and that is largely untenable anywhere. The cost of healthcare is too high for people to pay out of pocket, and that is why the Western society that gave us the modern healthcare system also created an economic plan to help alleviate much of the cost. Will Rivers State leadership think holistically about the economic situation that has led to a situation where a grandmother and a newborn will be kept in the hospital for more than a year, or will they simply rescue this single woman and move on to other things? I hope that this incident will instigate them to provide quality universal healthcare for their citizens.

Year in and year out, the Nigerian media reports on the phenomenon of detaining patients in hospitals for their debts, but that is about where it ends. This is a recurring situation in the country, but it has not inspired our leaders to take any action beyond the occasional gesture of redeeming a single person pawned by a family too impoverished to pay their bills. The other part is that a huge chunk of these stories of hospital detention usually involves a pregnant woman. To a great extent, it accounts for why Nigeria has one of the worst maternal mortality rates in the world. Over 75,000 women die in Nigeria annually just trying to give birth. These deaths are so frequent that they almost do not even register as an urgent disaster in the public consciousness. It is telling of the extent to which women are taken to be discardable if people are that injured to their dying. The case of the detained grandmother in Rivers State is another illustrative example of how poor women die giving birth and what their deaths cost the families they leave behind. It is 2025, but Nigeria has not overcome the problems of maternal mortality. That is an extremely shameful situation.

Credit: Abimbola Adelakun

Tinubu’s reviewed clemency recipients (Full list)

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Nigeria@64: Tinubu's Independence anniversary speech

After the backlash for granting a bogus presidential pardon to 175 convicts, and the review that followed, President Bola Tinubu has now signed three legal instruments granting clemency, commutation of sentences, and presidential pardons to a total of 34 individuals, in the exercise of his constitutional powers under Section 175 (1) and (2) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

A statement by Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, said the move is as a result of consultations with the Council of State and taking public opinion into account on the matter.

The president’s review led to the removal of individuals convicted of serious offences such as kidnapping, drug trafficking, human trafficking, fraud, and unlawful possession of firearms from the list of beneficiaries. Tinubu explained that the decision reflects the administration’s sensitivity to the feelings of victims and the need to strengthen national security and public confidence in law enforcement.

The approved lists, signed on October 21, 2025, have been transmitted to the Nigerian Correctional Service for implementation.

See full new list of beneficiaries excluding Maryam Sanda below:

Instrument of Presidential Prerogative of Mercy (Grant of Clemency), 2025

1. Oroka Michael Chibueze
2. Adesanya Olufemi Paul
3. Daniel Bodunwa
4. Hamza Abubakar
5. Buhari Sani
6. Mohammed Musa
7. Muharazu Abubakar
8. Ibrahim Yusuf
9. Saad Ahmed Madaki
10. Ex-Corporal Michael Bawa
11. Richard Ayuba
12. Adam Abubakar
13. Emmanuel Yusuf
14. Chinedu Stanley
15. Johnny Ntheru Udor

Instrument of Presidential Prerogative of Mercy (Commutation of Death Sentence to Life Imprisonment), 2025

(1) Emmanuel Baba
(2) Abubakar Usman
(3) Khalifa Umar
(4) Mohammed Umar

Instrument of Presidential Prerogative of Mercy (Grant of Pardon), 2025

1. Mrs Anastasia Daniel Nwaobia
2. Barr. Hussaini Alhaji Umar
3. Ayinla Saadu Alanamu
4. Hon. Farouk M. Lawan
5. Herbert Macaulay
6. Major General Mamman Jiya Vatsa
7. Ken Saro Wiwa
8. Saturday Dobee
9. Nordu Eawo
10. Daniel Gbooko
11. Paul Levera
12. Felix Nuale
13. Baribor Bera
14. Barinem Kiobel
15. John Kpuine

President Tinubu also approved the relocation of the Secretariat of the Presidential Advisory Committee on Prerogative of Mercy from the Federal Ministry of Special Duties to the Federal Ministry of Justice, directing the Attorney-General of the Federation to issue new guidelines for future exercises.

The president emphasized that future reviews will involve mandatory consultation with relevant prosecuting agencies, ensuring that only those who meet legal and procedural criteria benefit from the presidential prerogative of mercy.

Tinubu expressed appreciation to Nigerians for their feedback on the clemency process and reiterated his administration’s commitment to justice sector reforms and improving judicial efficiency in the country.

Tinubu reverses Maryam Sanda’s pardon, to remain in prison

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Court dismisses Maryam Sanda’s no-case submission, discharges her mum, brother

Due to the backlash from Nigerians for granting a presidential pardon to Maryam Sanda, who was convicted and sentenced to death in 2020 for killing Bilyaminu Bello, her husband, President Bola Tinubu has now reversed the absolute presidential pardon earlier granted to her.

In a new directive contained in an official gazette released on Wednesday by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the President reversed the pardon and approved a 12-year jail term for Sanda on compassionate grounds.

The directive reads: “Maryam Sanda, whose offence was culpable homicide, sentenced on 27/01/2020 with death by hanging, has served six years and eight months at the Medium Security Custodial Centre (MSCC), Suleja will now serve 12 years based on compassionate grounds, in the best interest of the children and good conduct, embraced a new lifestyle, model prisoner and remorsefulness.”

The reversal is as a result of the widespread public criticism of the initial pardon, which many described as an injustice to the late Bello’s family.

SOS: Economic and financial collusion commission, By Sonala Olumhense

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To hold others to account, EFCC must be accountable.

In October 2023, a remarkable event occurred in the Nigerian National Assembly (NASS).  It was a citizen presenting the most eloquent testimony against corruption to the Senate.

“Let the fight against corruption begin from this hallowed chamber,” he advocated.

His identity: Ola Olukoyede. He got his confirmation, detonating a live political landmine as he unwittingly used the EFCC’s investigation of Senate President Godswill Akpabio as an example.

Mr Akpabio laughed. “Mr nominee, leave the Senate President for now,” he chuckled.

But EFCC was prosecuting Akpabio. Yes, the very man I had used as an example of Nigeria “scrubbing out character,” citing his years-long demonstration of ethical emptiness and efforts to evade prosecution (EFCC first arrested him in 2015), had become the Senate President.

Come with me, then, to the website of the EFCC.  Search for “Patience Jonathan.”

James Ibori?  Sambo Dasuki?  Godswill Akpabio?  “No results found,” right?

I use these four examples because I can think of no other Nigerians who have been paired more frequently or intensively with the EFCC in news reports in the last 20 years.

But it is Year 18 since I wrote “Patience Jonathan, Nigeria’s most powerful woman,” following the EFCC’s seizure of $13.5 million dollars from her in September 2006.

Parallel narratives exist for the other three searches you have just conducted.  And yet: the mighty commission doing the seizing and arresting and charging has no records?  “No results found”?

One month ago, EFCC approached various media houses with an article about me, aiming to abort my annual reminder of its reporting obligation.

Now, a lot of Nigerian institutions are far less pivotal than EFCC are glad to report: A sample: The Financial Reporting Council; Auditor-General of the Federation; NIMASA; Bureau of Public Procurement; Fiscal Responsibility Commission; and the National Pension Commission.

Welcoming the first EFCC report in September 2006, Senate President Ken Nnamani stressed the reporting date, asking: “If the report of the Number Two citizen in our country is a public document, why should the report [concerning] state governors, councillors not be available?”

At that event, Mr Nuhu Ribadu, the pioneer EFCC chairman, unveiled “corruption in high places,” listing several governors by name.

That first report, sadly, was the last time any EFCC leader has officially filed the comprehensive, professional and audited report demanded by law.

I have personally searched. I have invited entire news organisations to do so. How can two decades worth of reporting elude the mass media of Nigeria, unless someone is trying to call them lazy or stupid?

In 2007, “unnamed officials” of the commission declared that the agency would shift focus to “asset recovery,” not prosecution. Translation: deals, not justice. In October 2012, I described that tragedy as the EFCC moving Nigeria backwards.

This is exactly what I remembered when EFCC last month tried to persuade a few newsrooms that opinions — not reporting — are the first business of journalism and the journalism business. To prove this wrong, its writer quoted from a report that no journalist had seen! Imagine: they have not even leaked a single report in the past 19 years but had no compunction about quoting from one!

He wrote: “A glimpse of the 2024 EFCC Annual Report shows that the total financial recoveries stood at N364.579,370,151.35 and $326.496,959.95…”

No Nigerian should be insulted this way by an EFCC employee, particularly as he implies, falsely, that the information is available to be shared. The law does not classify the EFCC’s obligatory report as a secret, let alone a perpetual one.

On the contrary, EFCC hides behind technicalities to keep the purveyors of Nigeria’s economic and financial criminal enterprises potent, present and thriving.

I am not the only one who has noticed this. The 2009, 2016, 2020 Nigeria Country Reports on Human Rights Practices of the US Department of State described the EFCC as “focused on low- and mid-level government officials.” They refer to “allegations that it targeted individuals who were out of favor with the government, while those that were in favor continued their activities with impunity.”

Similarly, in 2011, Human Rights Watch pointed out that while EFCC had indicted around 30 prominent political figures and recovered about $11 billion, yet convictions and prison sentences for the elite were rare, with only four convictions secured, and little or no jail time.

The problem is EFCC’s conspicuous consumption of its lavish legal authority, with no commitment to earning the public trust. The collusion with the National Assembly and the elite over its obligation to report betrays the people.

The commission exposes itself principally because it is a poor manager of its political and legal assets and information, beginning with its website, from which it is currently purging many elements in a new design.

For instance:

  • When EFCC says “ARCHIVES,” it is not referring to what the dictionary defines as “a place where public records or other historical documents are kept,” but to religious activity. Where are its true archives?
  • When EFCC announces “Operational Statistics,” that is only a list of its convictions in 2021, which is duplicated in its “Convictions” tab that reports only 2020-2022.
  • The commission reports interim forfeitures, but only of three years, with no final forfeitures documented.

In 2022, EFCC recorded 3,785 convictions but over 90 per cent of these were the low-level fraudsters the commission likes to hide behind. Most of them ended in plea bargains and just months-long sentences.

Keep that in mind when an EFCC official celebrates funds recovered, the question is: Recovered from whom?  Why is EFCC judge and jury over itself?

Where are the big economic and financial criminals? Consider the fiasco of the EFCC January 2025 Motor Vehicle Auction, which involved an astonishing 820 vehicles (yes, I counted them), including 141 luxury brands such as Porsches, Jaguars, and Range Rovers.

The chaos was probably because it was the original owners and their proxies who were choking up the system to buy back their property. We will never know from the records because EFCC simply wants to announce “recoveries,” avoiding the identification of privileged criminals.

But EFCC was set up to punish crime, otherwise it might have been named Economic Assets Recovery Commission. Its reporting is for Nigerians to be informed perpetually, as I detailed previously. That EFCC appears to be institutionally unperturbed that NASS never debates its reporting may confirm that the reports are fictitious.

To advance Nigeria, the fairness and excellence of public institutions is critical. But like excellence, accountability must be lived, not preached. To hold others to account, EFCC must be accountable.

This is not a game, as I wrote in 2015. EFCC openly telling its story to Nigerians and to history is non-negotiable.

Credit: Sonala Olumhense

Nigerian military raids former governor’s house, interrogates MD of agency

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Nigeria’s military investigators probing an alleged plot to overthrow President Bola Tinubu are reportedly grilling a Managing Director (MD) of a Federal Government agency in the South South region of Nigeria, according to Punch.

Two intelligence officers confirmed that the MD was arrested for allegedly transferring a huge sum of money to a former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, who was fingered as one of the financiers of the alleged plot to forcefully change the government.

Investigators believe the funds were meant to finance the coup, according to reports.

“The MD whose name is being concealed, allegedly transferred a huge sum of money to Sylva. Investigators are working on the theory that the fund transfer was connected to the coup. He is presently answering questions about what the money was meant for.”

Former Bayelsa governor Sylva’s Abuja house was reportedly raided by investigators on Saturday, with military operatives arresting his younger brother, Paga, who is his Special Assistant on Domestic Affairs and went away with his driver.

The former minister and All Progressives Congress chieftain (APC) was outside the country during the operation.

Sources with knowledge of the operation explained that he was planning to return to the country when he heard that the alleged coup leaders had been arrested. He thus shelved his plan to return home.

“Sylva’s Abuja home was raided on Saturday, but he wasn’t around. His younger brother, Paga, who is the SA, Domestic, and the driver, were arrested. Investigators believe Sylva allegedly funded the coup plot. Sylva was abroad and was preparing to leave for Nigeria when he got wind of the arrest of the coup leaders. So, he stayed back.”

You have a case to answer ―Court tells DCP Abba Kyari

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Nigeria’s Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, has on Tuesday, dismissed the no-case submission filed by suspended Deputy Commissioner of Police, Abba Kyari, and his two brothers in the criminal case instituted against them by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA).

Kyari, alongside his brothers, Mohammed and Ali, is being prosecuted by the NDLEA on 23 counts, bordering on full disclosure of their assets.

The agency also accused them of disguising the ownership of properties and converting proceeds of crime — offences punishable under Section 35(3)(a) of the NDLEA Act and Section 15(3)(a) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011.

The prosecution called 10 witnesses and tendered at least 20 exhibits in its effort o prove the charges.

Kyari and his brothers, in response, filed no-case submissions, arguing that the NDLEA failed to establish a prima facie case that would warrant them to put in any defence.

But, in a ruling on Tuesday, the presiding judge, Justice James Omotosho dismissed the no-case submissions, holding that  the prosecution had established a prima facie case against the defendants, warranting them to open their defence.

The judge ruled: “In view of all the exhibits and the evidence of the prosecution, the defendants need to offer explanations in this regard.

“The evidence of the prosecution has established sufficient grounds for this trial to proceed. A connection between the defendants and the alleged offences, no matter how slight, constitutes prima facie evidence.

“Holding that a prima facie case has been established does not imply guilt. It simply allows the defendants to exhaust their defence options before a final judgment,”

“I have carefully examined the evidence presented by the prosecution. It points to the establishment of a prima facie case against the defendants, requiring them to proffer explanations or a defence, especially considering the gravity of the allegations.

“In the final analysis, the no-case submissions filed by the defendants cannot be upheld in the face of the evidence led by the prosecution. Consequently, the applications are overruled, and the defendants are hereby ordered to open their defence.”

Justice Omotosho gave Kyari and his brothers three days to enter their defence and adjourned the matter to November 4, 5, and 6 for continuation of trial.