UK reduces post-study work period for foreign students

UK Visa

United Kingdom (UK), on Tuesday cut the post-study work period from two years to 18 months for foreign students, including Nigerians, from January 2027.

UK’s Home Secretary, Shabana Mahmood, disclosed this on October 14 while explaining the reasons for the need for immigrants to pass an A-level standard of English Language.

In a statement posted on the UK Government’s website on Wednesday, the time for international students to find a graduate-level job after completing their studies will be reduced to 18 months from the current two years.

The statement reads: “Laid in changes before Parliament this week, the measures form part of the government’s flagship immigration white paper and Plan for Change to deliver on the priorities of working people for tighter control of who comes to this country while continuing to attract top global talent.

“The time for international students to find a graduate-level job after completing their studies will also be cut to 18 months from the current two years. The immigration skills charge (ISC), which is paid by employers sponsoring skilled foreign workers and reinvested in training the domestic workforce, is being raised by 32%.

“The ISC increase is the first since 2017 and will be used to boost investment in British workers and reduce reliance on overseas recruitment. The Parliamentary process to increase the charge will begin later this week. To ensure graduates contribute effectively to the economy, the maximum post-study stay will be reduced to 18 months from the current 2 years for most from 1 January 2027. It comes after data clearly showed that many holders had not transitioned into graduate-level employment as intended.”

Photo: Punch

AGF orders multi-agency probe of Presidential pardon’s list

Lateef Fagbemi: Nigeria's New AGF Should Be Professional, Obey Court Orders  – Lawyers – The Whistler Newspaper

Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi SAN, has ordered a multi-agency review of the proposed presidential pardon list, reports say.

Agencies in the probe of the list which may result in more than half of the nominees being dropped, are the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) and the police.

President Tinubu, who in the exercise of his constitutional powers, granted clemency to 175 persons convicted of various offences, is said to be awaiting the submission of the vetted list for his final endorsement, amid efforts to ensure only eligible beneficiaries were cleared.

The pardon was announced by the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi SAN, at the Council of State meeting held on Thursday, October 9, 2025.

Fagbemi SAN listed illegal miners, white-collar convicts, drug offenders, foreigners, Maj Gen Mamman Vatsa, Prof Magaji Garba, Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni Eight, as well as capital offenders such as Maryam Sanda, among the 175 convicts and former convicts who received presidential pardon.

The full list was released in a statement from the Presidency on Saturday, October 11, 2025.

Inclusion of some names on the list sparked controversy, as security, law enforcement, and anti-graft agencies opposed the presence of certain high-profile offenders.

The EFCC, Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), NDLEA, police, among others, reportedly moved to halt the release of some individuals on the list.

Fagbemi, on October 16, however, clarified that the presidential prerogative of mercy recently announced by the President was still under review and had not been finalised, as some officials alleged that some low-level officers on the committee ‘smuggled in’ names not originally recommended for clemency.

“Some low-level officers at the level of the committee smuggled in some names. Obviously, the President is unaware of some of the names on that list.

“They have now sent the list to NDLEA and other security agencies for review. Some of the names on the list did not meet the criteria. Some low-level officers bypassed the criteria.

“In fact, some of the cases are still fresh. The good thing is that they are still in custody; they have not been released,” an official of one of the security agencies said on condition of anonymity.

Many top Federal Government officials with direct knowledge of the matter confirmed that the list, currently undergoing a rigorous screening process, had been sent to the EFCC, ICPC, NDLEA, and police, among other agencies, for comprehensive background checks by the office of the Attorney General.

APC’s slave-raiding expeditions, By Lasisi Olagunju

Balling with Bola Tinubu at 73, By Lasisi Olagunju

In mid-19th-century Ibadan, military expeditions under Balogun Ibikunle were so successful in slave-catching that by 1859, the city was gripped in the apprehension that it had harvested more slaves than it could control. Professor Bolanle Awe, citing missionary Hinderer’s Half-Yearly Report of Ibadan Station for that year, wrote that the oracle of Oke Badan had to intervene with a decree that Ibadan should desist from going to war for some time because there were “too many strange people in the town.”

People choke on their own success. If you doubt this, read Awe’s ‘Ajele System: A Study of Ibadan Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century’, published in December 1964. Power that eats with ten fingers, that feeds on endless acquisition will, sooner or later, find itself choking on its own gluttony.

At about the same period Ibadan trembled over the spectre of a slave insurrection, similar fears were roiling the American South. In May, 1939, distinguished professor of history, Harvey Wish (4 September, 1909 – 7 March, 1968), published his ‘The Slave Insurrection Panic of 1856’. In 1856, according to Wish, Stewart and Montgomery counties in Tennessee were gripped by panic. The combined slave population in those places stood at about 12,000 against 19,000 whites, but in many localities, the enslaved outnumbered their masters. In the iron districts along the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, eight to ten thousand slaves laboured in mines and furnaces under a handful of overseers. A house stuffed with captives soon loses peace especially when the enslaved start demanding rights. The fear that the captives in those American communities might rise became as real as the chains that bound them.

The twin anxieties of Ibadan and Tennessee of the 1850s should speak to today’s All Progressives Congress (APC), which seems to have embarked on its own form of political slave-raiding expeditions, capturing opposition governors, lawmakers, and chieftains in a frenzy of conquest. History teaches that those who live by conquest often reel in pains of indigestion. Ask Afonja of Ilorin. The slaves he encouraged to defect into his army proved his nemesis.

There is that Nigerian comedian who combs his bald head. He is there online feasting on APC’s defection binge. The jester’s conclusion is that by 2027, Nigeria’s epic contest will be between APC and APC, a scenario he says will burst the belly of the overfed. There is a limit to how much the human stomach can hold before it rebels against its own greed. All manner of gluttony, including the political, have their limits and dangers. What Tennessee feared in 1856 did, indeed, happen in some places. Read Harvey Wish.

The Yoruba have sweet street slangs. You’ve heard of curing madness with madness (“wèrè l’a fi nwo wèrè”). You’ve not heard of “ko were, ko were.” Packing all sorts into all sorts; orísirísi. The Yoruba word ‘were’ means madness or the mad themselves. In some contexts ‘were’ also means idiocy/idiot; stupid/stupidity. “Ko were, ko were” is what my village friends call men who go for anything in a skirt. It is also what the rapacious do with their molue: Forty-nine sitting, ninety-nine standing. The bus is “fully full”, yet, the driver and conductor still yell to the street to hop in: “Wolé! Enter! No change!” It is never enough until some cranial vessels yield to bursting.

Shakespeare’s Angelo says in ‘Measure for Measure’ that “we must not make a scarecrow of the law, setting it up to fear the birds of prey…” We do that here. All our laws are scared and afraid of power. People break the law and dare the law to say something.

A tributary is a smaller river or stream that flows into a larger river or lake. River Oba is a tributary of the Osun River; it flows into it. The law says you can divorce River Oba, if you like, but you cannot give Oba’s child to Osun, your new husband. The powerful can snatch the wife of the weak, but he cannot snatch the child of the weak. Our constitution expressly forbids lawmakers from hopping from bed to bed, party to party, doing what common prostitutes do. Section 68(1)(g) of the constitution bars senators and Reps from contracting the syphilis of defection. Section 109(1)(g) prescribes the same taboo for lawmakers at the state level. Those two sections say if you insist on courting leprosy, you must be prepared to live in a leper colony, alone.

Our constitution says that a legislator who strays from the banner that bore him to victory must surrender his seat.

That law is dead here even when the exception to the rule is not present. The exception, the law says, is that defection is allowed only when there is a division within the legislator’s party or the party has merged with another. There is no division, there is no merger, yet lawmakers after lawmakers have changed parties like pants without consequences.

When is a democracy dead? It is dead when opposition sells itself to power. It is dead when law is dead, or whenever it is helpless; when rule of men replaces the rule of law; when government of men overthrows government of laws. Rule of men is a personal rule; it is what sits on the throne in an unaccountable society; a society in the mouth of dogs.

Aristotle wrote that “It is more proper that law should govern than any one of the citizens.” American professor of Law, Paul Gowder, in the winter of 2018 wrote ‘Resisting the Rule of Men’. Gowder contrasts “the rule of men” to “the rule of law.” He says “I will say that we have ‘the rule of men’ or ‘personal rule’ when those who wield the power of the state are not obliged to give reasons to those over whom that power is being wielded—from the standpoint of the ruled, the rulers may simply act on their brute desires.” Is that not what politicians do when, with impunity, they cross the road and dash their husbands’ children to their more powerful, wealthy lover across the street? Yet, they say this is a democracy.

“Democracy—What Is It?” Theodore M. Hart in a 1948 edition of The Georgia Review asked as he threw the question at a class of veterans. He got 32 answers. The last of the answers, he says, is the “farthest thing from a definition that could well be imagined.” This is it: “The right to defy a ruler, the right to believe in the right, the right to read the truth, the right to speak the truth, the sky free of destruction, the water free of danger, the trees, the earth, the house I live in, my friends and relatives, the school I go to, the church I attend – that’s Democracy.” It is a mouthful. Before that definition, there have been shorter ones that we won’t like to teach our kids here. One of them says ‘Democracy’ is “that no man should have more power than another.” Another says it is “a government in which the source of authority (political) must be and remain in the people and not in the ruler.” The opposite holds sway here. Ruling party politicians are the law; it is into their maximum ocean that all rivers must empty their waters.

Politicians, governors and lawmakers of all tendencies are massing into one party, the ruling party, like the forces of Julius Caesar whose feet are already in the Rubicon. There is also the perception that the judiciary is collapsing (or has collapsed) its structures into the ruling party.

It is futile as it is dangerous, self-destructive and self-destructing to seek to have a Kabiyesi presidency, a democracy without opposition. French philosopher, Montesquieu, in his Esprit des Lois, published in I748, wrote: “There would be an end of everything if one man or one body, whether of princes, nobles, or people exercised these three powers: that of making the laws, of executing the public resolutions, and of judging the cases of individuals.”

William Shakespeare in ‘Measure for Measure’ warns that possessing great power tempts one toward tyranny.

Shakespeare’s character, Isabella, tells power-drunk Angelo, deputy to the Duke of Vienna:

“O! it is excellent

To have a giant’s strength; but it is tyrannous

To use it like a giant.”

Now, what is the value and essence of a presidential power that cannot crush, enslave or imprison governors? Where is the value?

In George Orwell’s novel, ‘1984’ we are shown that the party’s omnipotence is not freedom but imprisonment. The story teller asks humanity to accept that the pursuit of total power, total control over thought, over history, and reality, traps power and the power wielder in perpetual manipulation.

But power is powerful; it never listens to reason. Ikem Osodi, Chinua Achebe’s radical character says in ‘Anthills of the Savannah’ that “The prime failure of rulers is to forget that they are human.” Are rulers really human? In Yoruba history and belief, they are ‘alase’ (executive) deputy of the gods. Before Achebe there was Lord Acton who famously said that “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men.” Someone said power, when unrestrained, imprisons its possessor in illusion.

It is not the fault of power that it extends and distends and stretches itself thin. It is because the world seductively craves the king’s dominance. So, let us not blame power; we should blame the people as they query the worth of freedom that bears no food. Because literature is life, it is there in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s ‘The Brothers Karamazov’. There, we read in The Grand Inquisitor’s monologue, a story within a story: “For who can rule men if not he who holds their conscience and their bread in his hands?” The Inquisitor informs the Lord that humanity had “taken the sword of Caesar, and in taking it, of course, have rejected Thee and followed him.” They will always follow Caesar because he alone has bread to distribute from north to south.

The devil is not a liar; if he is a liar, he won’t say the truth. And what is the truth? It is in the Inquisitor’s mouth, it is that seeing freedom and bread walking together is inconceivable; that no science will give the people bread “so long as they remain free.” Governors, senators, Reps – all have surrendered to the bread and butter of power. Automatic tickets, automatic victory at the polls, cheap victory over the people. What power is saying in silence is said loudly by Dostoevsky’s Inquisitor: “In the end, they will lay their freedom at our feet and say to us, ‘Make us your slaves, but feed us.’”

Credit: Lasisi Olagunju

Suspected military coup plotters allegedly planned to kill Tinubu, Shettima, Akpabio, others

Army appoints first female spokesperson

Top intelligence sources have provided insights into how some military officers accused of alleged coup plot had planned to overthrow President Bola Tinubu’s government and disrupt the country’s 26 years of continuous democracy.

Premium Times had reported how about 20 officers were arrested and detained for allegedly planning to stage the coup.

A top military source familiar with the development told Premium Times that the development caused tension in government, forcing the presidency to cancel the National Independence Day parade usually done on 1 October.

According to insider accounts, the suspected coup planners scheduled 25 October to strike.

“That was the tentative date,” the source said. “If things did not work out that day, they will continue plotting.”

The Independence Day parade would have been observed, according to our sources.

“The parade could have been held since the arrests were made before 01 October, but the government did not want to take risk since it was a military ceremony,” another officer said.

Even though there are no clear details about the identities of the officers yet, an investigative panel is said to have been set up to probe the officers involved in the alleged coup plot.

People with knowledge of the matter said, the key officials allegedly targeted for assasination include President Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas, Premium Times reports.

“There are other people targeted,” one source said. “But those are the key targets.”

“They also planned to arrest top military officers, including the service chiefs,” he continued. “They did not want to kill them.”

The suspected coup planners wanted to assassinate these officials simultaneously. “They were targeting the day that all of them would be in the country. Wherever they were, they would be assassinated,” he added.

According to Premium Times sources, the plotters worked with informants in the Presidential Villa and around those marked for elimination.

“They have people in the villa that monitor movements of these officials,” he said. “They wanted to kill them at the same time and install a military government.”

Young woman commits suicide in Nigeria for finding boyfriend with another woman

Woman commits s#icide in Enugu over boyfriend's infidelity

22-year-old Nigerian woman, Odama Mary Agado, has reportedly ended her life over the weekend in Enugu, Nigeria, after discovering her boyfriend was having relationship with another woman.

Mary, originally from Woleche-Ipuole, Yahe Ward in Yala Local Government Area of Cross River State, allegedly ingested a poisonous substance, believed to be sniper, following the emotional shock.

Sources say Mary had been living in Enugu, where she ran a successful hairstyling business. She was said to have bought a car and rented an apartment for her boyfriend, demonstrating the depth of her commitment.

Daniel, her family member, recounted that Mary visited her boyfriend last Friday, only to find him with another woman in the apartment she had provided.

Heartbroken, she returned to her own apartment and called her mother to share what had happened, reportedly saying: “Take heart, I will not live again.”

Tragically, her mother could not immediately return the call due to lack of airtime. Hours later, she received a distressing call that Mary had taken poison and rushed her to a nearby hospital. Despite doctors’ efforts, Mary was pronounced dead later that evening.

Her body was transported back to Yala, where she was buried on Saturday. “We dug her grave immediately. She was too young for any prolonged burial process. Some people think spiritual forces were involved, but nothing can bring her back now,” the family source said.

The woman’s death has left both Enugu and Yala communities in shock and has reignited conversations on mental health awareness and emotional support for young people facing personal crises.

Nnamdi Kanu: When silence is not golden, By Vitus Ozoke

Buhari Must Win the Corruption Battle and War, By Vitus Ozoke - Premium  Times Opinion

There are moments in history that expose the true character of a people’s leadership. History has a cruel way of exposing hypocrisy, and today, it is holding up a mirror to the political elite of Igboland. As Omoyele Sowore – a Yoruba man, activist, and unrepentant rebel against injustice – leads a mega protest in Abuja demanding the release of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, one cannot help but feel both admiration and shame: admiration for the courage of an outsider, and shame for the deafening silence of those who should have been at the forefront of this cause.

There comes a point when silence is not golden but betrayal. That moment has long passed for the Igbo political elite, yet many of them remain comfortably mute while Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, languishes in detention under conditions that violate both law and logic.

The piercing irony is almost too bitter to swallow. While some Igbo governors and politicians have turned cowardice into a political strategy, bending over backward to curry favor with the powers that be in Abuja, defecting, crossing party lines, cozying up to the very establishment that holds Kanu hostage, trading principles for power, and branding subservience as “strategic alignment”, a Yoruba man, Omoyele Sowore, is risking police batons, tear gas, and intimidation, leading a national protest in Abuja demanding Kanu’s freedom.

Where are the self-proclaimed defenders of Igbo interests – those who campaigned on rhetoric of equity, freedom, and justice? Where are the so-called custodians of the Igbo conscience, from the governors’ mansions to the hallowed halls of Ohaneze Ndigbo? Think about this: the same political class that claims to defend Igbo interests has been overshadowed by an outsider who refuses to stand by while injustice festers.

What a paradoxical portrait of modern Nigerian politics. A Yoruba activist is on the streets fighting for an Igbo man’s liberty, while Igbo governors are busy courting the ruling party that has turned Kanu’s detention into a symbol of political intimidation. It is a damning commentary on the moral collapse of Igbo leadership. It’s a betrayal that stings deeply – not just because of Kanu’s ongoing ordeal, but because it shows how far the Igbo political elites have strayed from the people they claim to serve.

Let’s call things by their real names: many Igbo politicians have turned Kanu’s ordeal into a political tool, a bargaining chip to secure their own access to the corridors of power. Their press statements are written not from core and conviction but from convenience and cowardice. Their silence isn’t diplomacy; it’s complicity. And their posturing about “political solutions” has long been a smokescreen for cowardice and self-preservation. For years, the name Kanu has served as a political tool in the South-East – a convenient slogan for campaigns, a talking point for rallies, and a bargaining chip for politicians seeking federal favours. But when real action is needed – when the cameras are off and the stakes are high – the same leaders retreat into silence, their courage dissolving in the fog of political calculation.

Even Ohaneze Ndigbo, the once-revered socio-cultural organisation and the moral compass of the Igbo nation, now sounds more like a press office for cautious appeasement than the voice of a proud people – a whispering choir of conquered appeasers. Ohaneze’s leadership has been long on platitudes for political relevance and short on principles. Instead of mobilising the moral weight of Igbo society to demand justice, they have settled for tepid statements and “behind-the-scenes engagements” that yield nothing. Governors who should be rallying their people in solidarity with a fellow Igbo son instead parade themselves at federal banquets, eager to prove loyalty to those who hold the whip.

But history is not fooled. It keeps receipts.

The irony is stark: Sowore’s intervention has highlighted the contradictions in Igbo politics. Sowore, an outsider to the South-East, has become a louder voice for Igbo dignity than many who claim to represent it. He has nothing to gain – no political patronage, no ethnic capital, no electoral advantage – yet driven by a demonstrable sense of justice, he stands up and takes to the streets because injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. Meanwhile, Igbo politicians who once rose on the back of Igbo suffering, but now fear offending Abuja, dine with those who continue to perpetuate that suffering, remaining silent – showing how comfort can numb the conscience.

This moment should haunt every conscience in Igboland. The moral test of leadership is not found in the comfort of offices or the elegance of speeches but in the courage to stand up when it costs something. On that score, most Igbo politicians have failed miserably. This is not just about Kanu. It is about dignity, justice, and moral consistency. It is about whether people will continue to allow their destiny to be defined by fear and opportunism. Because if an outsider now has to lead the call for justice for an Igbo son, then what does that say about the moral spine of those who claim to speak for the Igbo nation?

History will not forget this moment.

It will remember who spoke and who stayed silent. It will recall who stood for justice and who traded it for political crumbs. It will record that while a Yoruba man raised his voice for justice, many Igbo politicians, who should have stood tall, chose instead to bow low. And when the dust of today’s politics settles, the people will remember who stood for truth – and who sold it for a seat at the table. When the story of Nnamdi Kanu’s struggle is told, the shame of the Igbo political class will be written not in ink but in the quiet contempt of a people betrayed by their own.

Credit: Vitus Ozoke

Actress Regina Daniels in tears as crisis rocks her marriage with senator Nwoko amidst beating allegation (Video)

NED NWOKO AND REGINA DANIELS

Reports coming in a video clip are showing that there is trouble in the marriage of Nigerian actress, Regina Daniels and her billionaire husband, Senator Ned Nwoko.

In the viral clips, the visibly distraught actress was seen sitting outside in the dark, sobbing as she lamented her alleged ordeal. Amid tears, she said: “In Ned Nwoko’s house, I am nothing. But in my house, I am a queen. I cannot stand the violence.”

Movie producer, Stanley On-Top, claimed that thugs allegedly sent by Senator Nwoko attacked Regina last night but her brothers were however present to defend her.

The video showed her brothers fighting off some of the persons allegedly sent to attack the actress.

Watch the viral video below:

Video: Chuks, X

Actress Lizzy Gold acquires a Land Cruiser to mark her birthday (Photos)

Nigerian Celebrities Gist on X: "Nollywood actress Lizzy Gold is  celebrating her birthday in grand style as she unveils her latest gift to  herself a brand-new car! 🎉🚗💃 The talented actress shared

Nigerian actress, model, film maker, producer, ex-miss Delta State, brand influencer, and philanthropist, Elizabeth Onuwaje, simply called Lizzy Gold, has treated herself to a new Toyota Land Cruiser in celebration of her birthday.

The beautiful actress took to her Instagram page to share photos of herself posing proudly beside the  car, expressing gratitude to God and her fans for their unwavering love and support.

Lizzy wrote: “Am still in awe of the blessings of God in my life. I’m so grateful to Him and my fans. God did it, but you all perfected it. Ghen-ghen Nation fans worldwide, I love you…”

Her post:

More photos:

Nigerian Celebrities Gist on X: "Nollywood actress Lizzy Gold is  celebrating her birthday in grand style as she unveils her latest gift to  herself a brand-new car! 🎉🚗💃 The talented actress shared

Actress Lizzy Gold buys herself a new car to mark her birthday - Kemi Filani

Your Consistency Pays - Yul Edochie Congratulates Lizzy Gold As She Gifts  Herself A New Car On Birthday

Lizzy Gold acquires Toyota land cruiser

Massive congratulations to Lizzy Gold as she has just acquired a brand new Land  cruiser jeep to celebrate herself on her birthday. Such a hardworking lady  ❤️

Lizzy Gold acquires Toyota land cruiser

2027 Elections as a Litmus Test for Reforms, By Simon Kolawole

No, I am not talking politics. I am aware that sixteen months to the next general election, the political atmosphere is already fully charged as if we are going to the polls tomorrow. I am tempted to say I have never seen anything like this in my life, but that would be an unacceptable exaggeration. In reality, Nigerians were created for politics. We live, eat, drink and smoke politics 24/7. As I always say, nothing excites us more than playing politics and doing electoral permutations. Some pundits have already sat down in their houses and allocated states, geo-political zones, and regions to one presidential candidate or the other. We get our kicks from politics and politicking. That is who we are.

But I am here to discuss the economy. After a dizzying turbulence that looked like we were headed for a crash in 2023, our flight seems to have stabilised — with economic indices appearing to show that we can now unfasten our seatbelts and stretch our legs. The word “stability”, however, means different things to different people. When Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, director general of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and Nigeria’s former minister of finance, said recently that the economy had stabilised, she got an instant backlash from her fan base which never expected her to say anything positive about the Bola Tinubu administration. But she was talking economics, not politics.

When economists and market experts talk about economic stability, they are not saying danger is over or everybody is fine. It is like when you rush an accident victim to the hospital. The first thing the doctors want to do is keep the patient breathing, stop the bleeding and make sure the vitals — such as oxygen saturation and blood pressure — are within control. When the patient is no longer deteriorating and the vitals are within the reference range, doctors will tell you the patient is “stable”. It does not mean the wounds are healed or the fractures are gone. It does not mean the patient can start jumping. It means the patient is… stable. Keep it going and there could be recovery.

“Stability” to the person on the streets means something else. In practical terms, it should mean the cost of living is going down and the standard of living is going up. It should mean they can now afford food without tears. It should mean they can now buy their drugs and cater for their dependants without much agony. It should mean they can now go for a day without having to beg a relative or friend for money to meet a routine need. In other words, Nigerians on the streets are saying you cannot claim that the GDP is growing and inflation is coming down while they are struggling to survive and thrive. It means something is not connecting between the GDP data and the facts of life.

The topsy-turvy story of the Nigerian economy is well documented. We have been going through boom-bust cycles since the oil windfall era of the 1970s. Ironically, many view this as our golden era, when the government introduced fuel and meal subsidies, multiplied salaries and benefits and paid in arrears, set up airlines and shipping lines, and embarked on white elephant projects that gulped stupendous resources. We became overly dependent on imports. We set ourselves up for an appetite we could not sustain. When oil prices nose-dived, we went into severe pains, accumulating massive debts, failing to fund public utilities, and becoming drenched in neglect and poverty.

But while we used to come out of despondency whenever there was a resurgence in oil prices, we woke up one day to realise that, like Samson in the Bible, our power was gone. Our head had been shaved. High oil prices were no longer enough to get us back to life. The quantity of the oil had gone down dramatically while our population had gone up astronomically. That is, “water don pass garri”. Our population was growing faster than our economic productivity. Yet, we kept deceiving ourselves that we were rich. We continued to subsidise petrol with unearned money, even pledging future oil production. We continued to subsidise the naira when we were not producing or exporting much.

Perhaps, tough measures should have been applied by President Goodluck Jonathan in 2014 when things started going down. Reforms would probably have been less painful at that stage. But there was an election the following year and Jonathan was not going to set himself up for defeat. If he had been re-elected, he might have been more courageous in correcting course. President Muhammadu Buhari came in, pitied the patient and opted for minimally invasive procedure. Neither the symptoms nor the ailments disappeared. Tinubu came and took the brutal decision but this dealt deadly blows on Nigerians, with the poor bearing most of the burden and the middle class running out of gas.

Speaking of which I was at the London Business School (LBS) on Friday evening where Mr Olayemi Cardoso, governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), was hosted to a conversation on the monetary reforms. It was anchored by Hélène Rey, the Lord Bagri professor of economics at the LBS and a former professor of economics and international affairs at the Princeton University. A succinct introduction by Dr Nkiru Balonwu, the governor’s adviser on communications and stakeholder management, was followed by an overview of the reforms by Mr Mayokun Ajibade, former MD for Standard Chartered Bank in West and Southern Africa and now an adviser to the CBN governor.

Cardoso took the floor and answered questions from Rey and the diverse audience on the state of the Nigerian economy. He spoke largely on the theme of stability, recounting the issues that had often bedevilled the macro-economic environment — in lay language: inflation, interest, and foreign exchange rates, also referred to as the key rates. Whereas Nigerians often experience the economy in terms of the micro, which is the frontend — how it affects the person on the street — the backend, the macro, significantly shapes the micro. Of what use is the money in your pocket if inflation has turned it into a paperweight? What is economic growth if it does not add weight to your well-being?

The CBN governor, who was appointed two years ago, said the bank had to return to “orthodoxy” — doing monetary policy the traditional or “normal” way — in order to create transparency and credibility, and restore confidence to the financial markets. He spoke about how multiple exchange rates had damaged the economy, created opacity and uncertainty in the markets, discouraged forex inflows, fed and bred arbitrage, and culminated in unfulfilled obligations that backlogged up to $7 billion. The massive devaluation, he admitted, was painful and hurtful but that was the only way to reset the system and rebuild confidence. It was like amputating an accident victim to save his life.

“The devaluation looked draconian at the beginning but we are now seeing the results,” Cardoso said. “The naira has become stable. The gap between official and parallel markets that used to be up to 60 percent is now down to 1 to 4 percent. Scepticism has reduced. With the transparent system that is now in place, people no longer need to frontload their forex demands, which were usually borne out of uncertainty. The system now allows you to see who is buying and who is selling. The results are showing: more inflows, growing reserves, portfolio investment on the rise, trade surplus… all these developments have contributed to the easing of inflation, although I admit it is still high.”

Cardoso spoke about how inflation is responding well to the monetary policies and how, for the first time in a long time, the GDP is growing faster than the population — a development that, if sustained, should translate the theoretical data into better life for ordinary Nigerians. He spoke on the recapitalisation of banks. This, he hopes, would lead to the redefinition of niche among the banks. No bank will lose its licence, he said. Those who do not have the capital base to operate at the highest level will have their licences downgraded, and if this goes well they will be expected to strengthen their activities at the lower levels to accommodate small and medium scale businesses.

As I sat in the audience and watched Cardoso speak, it dawned on me on how difficult the job is. He was honest enough to admit CBN’s limitations — after all, it only manages monetary policies. The political authorities manage the fiscal and spending side. If there is fiscal rascality — especially in a federation of independent states and local government areas which cannot be dictated to by the monetary authorities — the CBN will be left to manage the resultant mess. Handshakes between monetary and fiscal authorities are vital to the overall health of the economy, but while the central bank does a technical job, the fiscal authorities, being political, have their constituents to please.

As we approach the 2027 general election, political risk can derail the reforms. Those familiar with Nigeria know that the economy is always flooded with cash in election years. The CBN has its work well cut out. When politicians pump free cash — money not backed by productivity — into the economy, it is an open invitation to inflation. More cash ends up purchasing fewer goods and chasing forex. You know what usually happens next. It will then be left to the CBN to solve the problem. Above all, what if there is a change of government in 2027 and the new president decides to restore petrol and forex subsidies in order to “protect the poor”? The reforms will simply end up in the mud.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

CHAIRING INEC

President Bola Tinubu has nominated Prof Joash Ojo Amupitan as the next chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), subject to senate confirmation. According to reports, Amupitan’s nomination was unanimously approved by the Council of State, of which all governors and former heads of state are members. There is a debate as to why the president, as an interested party, should be appointing the electoral chief. It is not new, but it is worth examining as we continue this democratic journey. But for as long as this constitutional provision is retained, we must keep whoever is appointed under scrutiny and engage with them constructively. Imperative.

FAKE FORETASTE

I remember telling my colleagues at TheCable a few months ago that the 2027 general election will witness the biggest deluge of misinformation and disinformation in our history. I advised them to be prepared. On Friday, Nigerians got a taste of what is to come with the wide circulation of the fake news that Prof Amupitan, the INEC chair nominee, was one of the lawyers that represented Tinubu at the election petition tribunal in 2023. Those who cooked up the story knew what they were doing — and people easily fall for misinformation and disinformation when it aligns with their prejudices and biases. Even AI will be manipulated to confirm fake news. We are in serious trouble. Terrifying!

RIP, CHRIS KOLADE

When I interviewed Dr Christopher Kolade in 1998, I instantly became one of his foremost admirers. I asked him if it was true he had committed his future earnings to his foundation to support girls’ education and leadership development, he replied: “I am not planning to build another house or marry another wife, so what do I need all the money for?” That ignited something in me. The retired broadcaster, mentor and business leader was a role model for me, with his sound Christian values and principles, nation-building worldview and philanthropy. The other person I similarly admired was Mr Gamaliel Onosode, who died in 2015 aged 82. Kolade has died 10 years later, aged 92. Adieu!

NO COMMENT

Mr Uche Nnaji resigned as minister of innovation, science and technology after he was accused of being too innovative with his certificates by Premium Times, the investigative newspaper. Nnaji allegedly forged his degree and NYSC certificates. Although he continues to deny the allegation despite resigning, the fact remains that there is a certificate forgery epidemic in the country and it will continue to thrive until the culprits are decisively brought to book. A former speaker once told me how the house of reps wanted to constitute committees and asked everyone to show their certificates. The assemblage of forged certificates, he said, was beyond imagination. Nigeria!

Credit: Simon Kolawole

Court refuses to stop Sowore’s #FreeNnamdiKanuNow protest

We Cannot Back Down By Omoyele Sowore - 247 News Around The World

Nigeria’s Federal High Court sitting in Abuja has rejected an application by the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) seeking to stop the planned “Free Nnamdi Kanu Now” protest, allowing the demonstration to proceed as scheduled on Monday, October 20, 2025.

The Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, had sent police lawyers to court to obtain an ex parte order against activist and protest organiser, Omoyele Sowore, in an attempt to halt the protest planned to take place near the Aso Rock Villa.

But, Justice Umar declined to grant the police request, ruling that Sowore must first be served with a notice of the application. The judge then adjourned the matter until Tuesday for a full hearing.

Responding to the ruling, Sowore hailed the court’s decision as a win for democracy and civil rights.

Sowore wrote on X, “IG of Police Kayode Egbetokun dispatched police lawyers to sue me in an effort to stop the #FreeNnamdiKanuNow protest scheduled for Aso Rock Villa on Monday. But the judge refused to grant the ex parte motion and instead ordered them to serve me notice, adjourning the case to Tuesday for proper hearing.”

The protest, tagged #FreeNnamdiKanuNow, aims to demand the immediate release of Nnamdi Kanu, the detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB).

The police attempt to block the rally was widely viewed as an attempt to suppress a politically sensitive demonstration close to the seat of power.

With the adjournment, the planned Monday protest can legally proceed, setting the stage for what could be a tense standoff between protesters and security forces in the nation’s capital city.

Sowore had earlier described the protest as a “historic and peaceful march” to the Presidential Villa, urging Nigerians to join the call for Kanu’s release.

I don’t mind being a second wife ―Music diva, Tiwa Savage reveals

I don’t mind being a second wife - Tiwa Savage

Nigerian star and award-winning singer, songwriter and actress, Tiwatope Omolara Savage, known professionally as Tiwa Savage, has sparked fresh reactions online after making a series of candid confessions during her appearance on the Lip Service Podcast, where she opened up about relationships, love, and intimacy.

The “Somebody’s Son” crooner admitted that she sometimes feels like a “sugar mama”, but said it’s not something she really wants to be identified with.

Tiwa said during the chat: “I’m like a sugar mama, but I don’t want to be.”

“The question is, do I need somebody to… or anybody that can… if they’re in their 50s or already married, maybe I can be a second wife. I could be a second wife.”

Her revelation drew laughter from the hosts, but the singer quickly acknowledged that many women might have an issue with her statement.

“Oh my God, I don’t know how this is going to sound. I feel like a lot of women are going to have a problem with me saying that,” she admitted, before adding that “sometimes, the second wife gets the better treatment.”

Army colonel sworn in as Madagascar president

Army colonel sworn in as Madagascar president

Army colonel Michael Randrianirina was sworn in as Madagascar’s president Friday vowing sweeping reforms, just days after the military took power following weeks of anti-government protests that sent ex-president Andry Rajoelina fleeing.

Randrianirina led the CAPSAT army unit, which mutinied and joined the anti-government protesters before announcing Tuesday that the military had taken power, after Rajoelina was impeached for desertion of duty.

“Today marks a historic turning point for our country,” Randrianirina said after his swearing-in ceremony, where the 51-year-old colonel swapped his army uniform for a suit.

He promised change in the poverty-stricken island nation, where anger over chronic power cuts sparked protests last month that swiftly escalated into a mass movement.

“We will work hand in hand with all the driving forces of the nation to draft a fine constitution… and to agree on new electoral laws for the organisation of elections and referendums,” Randrianirina said.

“Our main mission is to thoroughly reform the country’s administrative, socio-economic and political systems of governance,” he said, promising to consult young people before a new government is formed.

He also thanked the youth for spearheading the protests that ousted Rajoelina and said the army had intervened at the request of the top court to “avoid anarchy and disorder”.

The ceremony in the capital Antananarivo was attended by military officers, politicians, representatives of the Gen Z youth-led protest movement and several foreign delegations, including from the United States, the European Union, Russia and former colonial ruler France.

Facing international criticism, Randrianirina has been eager to officialise his new role and insisted the takeover was not a coup, pointing to the constitutional court’s backing.

At his swearing-in, the new leader addressed the foreign delegations in French, inviting them to “accompany Madagascar in the process of steering and implementing national renewal”.

Local media reported that Randrianirina had already met a Russian delegation Thursday.

The international community’s “large presence here shows that they respect national sovereignty”, he told journalists.

The European Union said it was closely monitoring events and called for dialogue to foster a return to democracy in the country.

A few dozen people gathered outside the constitutional court Friday in hopes of seeing the new president.

“We’re happy to be able to hope for change,” said shopkeeper Faniry Randrianaridoa.

“We hope, but we’ll see,” she told AFP. “It’s not a whim to want water and electricity.”

– Ex-president in hiding –

Rajoelina’s supporters have condemned the constitutional court’s support of the CAPSAT commander as riddled with procedural illegalities that risked destabilising the country.

They insist that Rajoelina remains leader and is working to find solutions to the problems dogging the country.

Rajoelina adviser Lova Rinel Rajaoarinelina told AFP Friday there was no possible recourse for the decisions that led to his impeachment.

Government forces were accused of a harsh crackdown on the protesters, with many reported dead or wounded, until CAPSAT announced on October 11 that it would refuse orders to shoot on them.

It marked a turning point in the uprising, with the unit hailed by the protest movement which now expects a role in the new set-up.

Rajoelina’s office confirmed in a statement late Wednesday that he had fled the country, although he has not revealed his whereabouts.

Media reports said the 51-year-old was evacuated on Sunday aboard a French military plane that took him to the French island of Reunion, from where he travelled to Dubai.

The power grab was the third military transition in Madagascar since independence in 1960, following coups in 1972 and 2009.

It is the latest of several former French colonies in Africa to come under military control since 2020, after coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Gabon and Guinea.

The country, off Mozambique, is one of the poorest in the world, with about 80 percent of its 32 million people living in poverty, despite an abundance of natural resources and rich biodiversity.

The African Union and regional bloc SADC said they would send fact-finding missions to the country and called for constitutional democracy to be upheld.

(AFP. Photo: Mamyrael, AFP)

Senior Advocates of No-Consequence (SANs), By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

Image result for chidi anselm odinkalu photos

The ritual of the “Call to Bar” is the formal ceremony for the  admission of new entrants into Nigeria’s legal profession.

The responsibility for administering it resides in the Body of Benchers (BoB), a statutory entity described by law as “a body of legal practitioners of the highest distinction in the legal profession in Nigeria.”

The solemnity of the Call to Bar is guaranteed by the presence of members of the BoB who administer the ceremony resplendent in ceremonial gowns supposed to testify to their high distinction in matters legal. The criteria for the determination of this threshold requirement of “highest distinction” antecedent to membership of the BoB are, however, opaque.

The ceremony itself is usually an occasion for members of the Body of Benchers to remind the new entrants of the obligations that come with their new status. It should go without saying that the members of the BoB should themselves embody those values through their own records and example. It should be no surprise that, in Nigeria, this is not usually  the case for some of them.

There are three categories of membership of the BoB. Membership can exceptionally be honorific, a mostly vacuous conferment reserved for political or diplomatic occasions. Separately, there is ordinary membership attained through high office in public service as judges or Attorneys-General or as leaders or nominees of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). Such membership these days also extends to the chairpersons of the judiciary committees of the two chambers of the National Assembly as well as to principal officers of the National Assembly who are lawyers. Members who are conscientious in attending meetings and official dinners of the BoB over a period of four years may be conferred with the status of Life Benchers. That is the stuff of high distinction.

The most recent Call to Bar ceremony occurred in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, over three days from 23 to 25 September 2025. Away from the cameras, on 24 September, something happened which speaks to the existential – even terminal – crisis of values, leadership and responsibility that currently afflicts the governance of Nigeria’s legal profession. At the insistence of certain members of the BoB, one of the members elevated to the status of Life Bencher only in January 2025, Chief Mike Ozekhome, was prevailed upon to quietly withdraw from participating in the process of admitting the new entrants into the profession.

The reason given by the objecting members of the BoB was a judgment delivered a mere six weeks earlier on 11 September 2025 in his ultimately unsuccessful application for registration of title in real estate before a property registration tribunal in England, in which the presiding judge shredded Ozekhome’s testimony as “an invention and contrivance.” According to Gideon Christian, a law professor the University of Calgary in Alberta, Canada, “this case illustrates how corruption operates [in Nigeria]: politicians hide wealth abroad under false identities, while lawyers – sworn to uphold the law – serve as enablers of fraud.”

The most significant thing about the enforced withdrawal of Chief Ozekhome from the Call to Bar ceremonies last month is not that it occurred. It is that the BoB went out of its way to ensure that it was a well-guarded secret. It is relevant here that in addition to its role in admitting new entrants into the vocation of the law in Nigeria, the BoB also hosts the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), the statutory body charged with enforcing consequences for ethical lapses in Nigeria’s legal profession. When it encounters cases affecting senior lawyers, however, the BoB seems to lapse into a habit of no consequence.

On 10 December 2021, the Supreme Court of Nigeria determined that Michael Aondoakaa, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, (SAN), and former Attorney-General of the Federation (HAGF), “had, by his conduct, undermined and subverted the administration of justice and the independence, authority and integrity of the judiciary” and “ought not to be entrusted with any other public office at all.” In effect, the Supreme Court barred Mr. Aondoakaa from public office again in Nigeria. The antecedents of this decision were staggering.

Ahead of Nigeria’s 2007 general elections, political parties organized processes in 2006 to select their candidates for various offices to be contested across the country. In Uyo Federal Constituency of Akwa Ibom State, the then ruling party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party, PDP, in primaries conducted in December 2006, selected Bassey Obot as their candidate to fly their flag in the contest for a seat in the House of Representatives. In a country where the most consequential things are accomplished by the unknown, some unknown persons contrived to remove Mr. Obot’s name from the records of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, substituting him with one Mr. Bassey Etim as the PDP candidate.

In December 2007, the Court of Appeal ordered the President of the Court of Appeal to constitute a new tribunal in Uyo to hear Mr. Obot’s case. Mr. Aondoakaa, then newly installed as the HAGF, wrote to the President of the Court of Appeal (PCA) claiming powers to instruct him not to comply with the order of the Court of Appeal. He cited as his reason the fact that he was considering a petition from Mr. Etim. Unable to contrive a sensible reason to disobey the order of a court over which he presided, however, the PCA disregarded Mr. Aondoakaa’s importuning and obeyed the Court of Appeal.

In April 2008, the Tribunal decided in favour of Mr. Obot, ordering INEC to certify him as the winner, so he could be sworn in as such. The Court of Appeal, the final arbiter then in disputes over elections to parliament, affirmed the judgment of the tribunal. In separate letters thereafter to the INEC Chairman and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr. Aondoakaa again required them to disobey and disregard the final orders of the Court of Appeal. They complied. Allegations that Mr. Aondoakaa issued those letters in exchange for value were unverified but not implausible.

On 15 May 2009, Mr. Obot, whose judicial victory had been frustrated by the HAGF, returned to the Federal High Court asking it to declare that Mr. Aondoakaa had abused his office and desecrated the independence and authority of the judiciary. On 1 June 2010, the Federal High Court obliged him, lamenting that “the hallowed office of the HAGF has been gradually desecrated and put into disrepute with the likes of [Mr. Aondoakaa] being appointed and occupying it. It is meant for learned eminent members of the Bar and not for political charlatans, jobbers or latter-day praise singers/converts….”

On 3 September 2015, the Court of Appeal affirmed that judgment of the High Court with the hope that “that office [of HAGF] should never again be occupied by individuals of such poor quality as [Mr. Aondoakaa].” The Court of Appeal went further and invited the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, “to subject [Mr. Aondoakaa] to its appropriate disciplinary processes.”

In his appeal to the Supreme Court, Mr. Aondoakaa did not deny what he did but claimed that he only acted as an adviser in the letters he wrote and that the recipients were at liberty to disregard his opinion. The Supreme Court made short shrift of Aondoakaa’s chicanery. Describing his conduct as “reprehensible”, “reckless” and “unbecoming of the occupant of such an exalted office,” the Court accused him of violating Rule 30 of the Rules of Professional Conduct (RPC) in the Legal Profession which require every lawyer to refrain from doing “any act or conduct….in any manner that may obstruct, delay or adversely affect the administration of justice.”

There were no consequences

Before Mr. Aondoakaa, there was the case of Kunle Kalejaiye, SAN, involved in corrupting a judge, Thomas Naron, in an election petition. In 2013, Thomas Naron lost his job but the Supreme Court decided in 2019 on a disreputable technicality that Mr. Kalejaiye could keep his. Two years later, the same court similarly decided that there should be no consequences in the case of Dr. Joseph Nwobike, another SAN whose specialty was “inducing court registrars to ensure that his cases were assigned to his preferred judges so he could obtain favourable judgments.”

Chief Mike Ozekhome is rightly described as “one of Nigeria’s most high-profile lawyers.” Few will quibble with his claim to be serenaded in those terms. In addition to being a Life Bencher, Chief Ozekhome is also a SAN. The combination of these two attainments makes him one of the most senior lawyers in Nigeria. His is only the latest in a long line of senior lawyers whose relationship with the rules professional conduct appears to be governed by a Teflon rule of no consequence.

Credit: Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

Nigeria missing as IMF lists Africa’s fastest-growing economies

international monetary fund

International Monetary Fund (IMF) has revealed that Nigeria is not among Africa’s fastest-growing economies, as countries such as Benin Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Uganda continue to lead the continent’s growth trajectory in the world.

The IMF said the five countries are now among the world’s fastest-expanding economies, buoyed by sustained policy reforms, improved fiscal management, and investments in infrastructure and manufacturing.

The Director of the IMF’s African Department, Abebe Selassie, disclosed this during the launch of Sub-Saharan Africa’s latest Regional Economic Outlook at a press briefing monitored by our correspondent on Thursday.

He said Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Uganda are among the world’s top-performing economies, crediting their strong growth to fiscal reforms and macroeconomic stability.

The Director also noted that overall growth in Sub-Saharan Africa is projected to stabilise at 4.1 per cent in 2025, with a modest pick-up expected in 2026, powered by macro stabilisation and reform efforts in key economies.

Selassie said, “Six months ago, our assessment highlighted the region’s strong efforts and that growth had exceeded expectations last year. But we also noted sudden realignment of global priorities and increasing turbulent external conditions, marked by weaker demand, softer commodity prices and tighter financial markets. Today, these global headwinds continue to test the region’s recovery and resilience.

“Sub-Saharan Africa’s economic growth, we now estimate, is expected to hold steady at 4.1% this year, with a modest pick-up expected in 2026. In our view, this reflects ongoing progress in macroeconomic stabilisation and reform efforts across the major economies in the region.

“It is important to note that several countries in the region, Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda, are among the fastest-growing economies in the world.”

This omission comes despite the IMF’s recent upward revision of Nigeria’s growth forecast, projecting the economy to expand by 3.9 per cent in 2025, driven by higher oil output, improved investor confidence, and a more supportive fiscal policy.

The updated figures reflect a 0.5 percentage point increase from its previous forecast and signal renewed optimism about the country’s medium-term economic prospects.

In July, the IMF revised Nigeria’s economic growth projection for 2025 upward to 3.4 per cent, a 0.4 percentage point increase from the 3.0 per cent forecast published in its April 2025 World Economic Outlook.

The National Bureau of Statistics also reported last month that Gross Domestic Product grew by 4.23 per cent year-on-year in real terms in the second quarter of 2025.

The figure marks a notable improvement from the 3.48 per cent growth recorded in the corresponding period of 2024, reflecting modest gains from increased oil output, recovery in key non-oil sectors, and easing inflationary pressures.

However, the IMF’s verdict indicates that the growth remains below potential, and the government is urged to deepen structural reforms, improve electricity supply, curb inflation, and expand non-oil revenue through industrial diversification and better tax administration

“We still have quite a few resource-intensive countries and conflict-infected countries continuing to face significant challenges with only modest gains in per capita incomes. The external environment remains challenging, global growth is slowing, and commodity prices are diverging. Notably, oil prices are declining, while the price of copper, coffee and gold are fairly elevated.”

The fund also raised concern over rising financial vulnerabilities in Nigeria and other Sub-Saharan African countries, warning that governments’ growing dependence on domestic bank borrowing poses increasing risks to financial stability.

Selassie revealed that many governments are forced to turn to domestic banks as external financing dries up, deepening the “sovereign-bank nexus.” In about half of the cases, the IMF estimates that public debt is now held by domestic financial institutions, a trend that heightens risks to banking sector stability.

He explained that as access to external financing tightens, several African governments have turned to domestic lenders to sustain public spending, a trend he described as a double-edged sword that could strain banks’ balance sheets and deepen the link between public debt and financial sector risks.

“It has been really good to see the region showing strong resilience. But this will continue to be tested in the coming months. Pressure points include rising debt service costs, which are crowding out development spending, a shift towards domestic financing that has deepened the sovereign bank nexus, inflation that has eased at the regional level but remains in double digits in quite a few countries in the region, and external buffers that are under pressure and need to be rebuilt.

“Against this backdrop, we see two broad policy priorities. The first is domestic revenue mobilisation. This is very important to increase our country’s potential, the significant potential to be tapped here also, and the reforms that need to be considered here include modernising tax systems through digitalisation, streamlining inefficient tax expenditures, and strengthening enforcement via targeted compliance strategies.

“And importantly, these efforts must go beyond technical adjustments. It will be essential to build public trust in tax institutions, strengthen institutional capacity, and conduct careful impact assessment, including distributional analysis, to ensure that these reforms are both effective and equitable.

“The IMF, of course, remains committed to supporting the region. Since 2020, we have disbursed nearly $69bn, including about $4bn so far this year. Our capacity development efforts also remain substantial, with countries in the region amongst the largest recipients of technical assistance.”

Selassie warned that in countries with high debt levels and elevated interest rates, stress could spill over into banks’ balance sheets. He called on governments to strengthen regulatory oversight, capital buffers, and ensure that public finance trajectories reduce the likelihood of harmful spillover over the years.

“On the issue of domestic banks’ vulnerabilities to rising public debt levels. So again, this is a point that we’ve been highlighting for several years. At this moment, we estimate that about half of the total public debt is held by domestic institutions. This has gone up over the years. As always, it’s a double-edged sword. As access to external financing has declined over the years, our countries, our governments have been able to turn to domestic banks, have had to turn to domestic financial institutions to sustain spending levels, to sustain economies.

“That has been a source of resilience, but we are now seeing a situation where there are significant vulnerabilities, and in particular in those countries where public debt is at very elevated levels, the risk of distress is higher, we are seeing some pressures on bank balance sheets, or there could be potential pressures on bank balance sheets.

“So again, it varies from country to country, the extent to which there are vulnerabilities, but it is an area of some concern in those countries where public debt is high, where interest rates are high, and we’re working with governments to make sure that there is a robust regulatory framework, robust capitalisation plans for banks, and of course first and foremost, the first line of defence, making sure that public finances are in a healthy trajectory to ensure that their spillovers are limited,” the director explained.

He added that Inflation remains stubborn in several countries, even as the regional average eases. And external buffers, such as foreign reserves, are under stress and in urgent need of replenishment.

Selassie warned that the region’s recovery is under pressure from external turbulence, weaker global demand, volatile commodity prices, and tighter global financial conditions.

He cited declining oil prices even as metals like copper, coffee, and gold remain elevated.

While a few countries, such as Kenya and Angola, have regained access to international capital markets, the IMF cautioned that tariff increases from the U.S. and the expiry of preferential trade access under AGOA erode growth prospects.

The impending sharp decline in foreign aid further constrains low-income and fragile states, limiting their fiscal flexibility.

To reinforce resilience, the IMF laid out two broad policy priorities, “Domestic revenue mobilisation, via modernising tax systems (especially through digitalisation), pruning inefficient tax expenditures, and reinforcing compliance.”

But Selassie emphasised that such reforms must also build public trust, institutional capacity, and include distributional impact assessments.

He said, “Debt management; increasing transparency, reinforcing public financial management, publishing comprehensive debt data, and improving budget oversight. These measures, he argued, will help reduce borrowing costs and unlock innovative financing options.”

Turning his attention to Nigeria, the IMF analyst noted that the decline in inflation is consistent with ongoing monetary tightening and a more flexible exchange rate regime. But he warned that inflation remains sticky due to a “level shift”, meaning prices have settled at higher levels. He urged continued policy discipline to hit targets.

“So starting with inflation in Nigeria, we find the decline in inflation consistent with the tightening of policies that have been undertaken in recent years, particularly on the monetary policy front, but also the effect of the exchange rate adjustment that took place over the last year or so and more, having come through the system. So it is consistent with the policy calibration and we are encouraged by it, but I think there are still some ways to go, towards the government’s target.

“Public debt is high, of course, in many countries in the region. Right now we estimate about 20 countries to be in a situation of high risk of debt distress. This comprises about 14 countries at high risk of debt distress and another six in actual debt distress.”

The IMF stressed that boosting growth is key to making debt servicing affordable, and that not all nations face identical challenges, hence the need for tailored policy frameworks.

Selassie also spotlighted illicit financial flows, urging countries to identify leakages (trade mis-invoicing, capital outflows, tax evasion) and adopt reforms targeting their root causes.

“Lastly, on illicit financial flows, I think, you know, this is the nature of, you know, what comprises things that we consider illicit financial flows vary. Some of it is just simple trade, you know, leakages to do with capital outflows.

“Others have related to, you know, people trying to circumvent the tax system. Still others are completely illegal flows, you know, related to corruption or other flows. So I think, you know, the way to tackle this is to identify what the source of the particular flows is and tackle them through reforms.

“So, again, a lot of the reforms, the direction of reforms that countries are pursuing should go in a way to help address many of these challenges that we are seeing in terms of illicit financial flows.”

Finally, he warned that while market access is improving, borrowing conditions remain expensive. Governments should treat costly external borrowing cautiously and always anchor decisions on a sound medium-term fiscal path.

Despite these warning signs, the IMF commended the region’s resilience and ongoing reform efforts, saying that progress in fiscal consolidation, exchange rate flexibility, and monetary tightening in major economies like Nigeria has helped stabilise growth and ease inflationary pressures.

“On the challenges related to policy in the U.S., I mean, first thing to note is that the fallout from the higher tariffs that have been imposed in the U.S. has not been as bad as we had feared back in April. So the global economy has weathered.

“And importantly, we have not seen other countries, you know, going in the same vein of raising tariffs. So that’s encouraging. Second, you know, this said, countries that are exporting to the U.S. and that are relying on significant exports to the U.S. and they are limited, will be facing higher barriers to trading to the U.S. So, some thinking about, you know, how to reorient these flows, finding different ways to address this challenge will be needed in those countries.

“One of the striking things about African trade is that when we trade with each other, increasingly we tend to trade in more manufactured goods, higher value-added goods. When we trade with the rest of the world, we are exporting natural resources. So there’s actually a big plus in terms of trading with each other, and there’s a big benefit to be had from promoting intra-Africa trade, so I think this is also an opportunity to work in those kinds of areas,” he concluded.

Meanwhile, the International Monetary Fund has commended Nigeria’s ongoing fiscal and monetary policy reforms, describing the country’s policy direction as “broadly positive” amid signs of easing inflation and improving foreign exchange transparency.

Officials of the IMF’s Fiscal Affairs Department and Monetary and Capital Markets Department made the remarks during the presentation of the Fiscal Monitor and Global Financial Stability Report on the sidelines of the 2025 IMF/World Bank Annual Meetings in Washington, DC.

The IMF said Nigeria’s fiscal stance is currently neutral, meaning that government spending and taxation are balanced in a way that supports monetary efforts to tame inflation without stifling growth.

“Currently what we are projecting for Nigeria is a neutral fiscal stance,” said Davide Furceri, Division Chief at the IMF’s Fiscal Affairs Department. “We think that this neutral fiscal policy stance is also consistent in helping monetary policies to reduce inflation.”

Furceri praised the Nigerian government’s reforms in recent years, especially in tax administration and expenditure efficiency, noting that such efforts have helped to simplify the tax code, reduce burdens on businesses, and cut wasteful spending.

“Nigeria has done quite a lot in the past years,” he added. “Many of the laws that have been passed have tried to streamline tax codes, reduce tax expenditures, and ease the burden on businesses and low-income households. These are policies that go in the right direction.”

He explained that beyond revenue mobilisation, Nigeria could achieve faster economic gains by improving the efficiency and composition of public spending, especially by channelling more funds into social protection to reduce vulnerability among low-income groups.

Presenting the Global Financial Stability Report, the IMF’s Director of Monetary and Capital Markets, Tobias Adrian, said Nigeria’s recent exchange rate adjustments and tighter monetary policy had improved policy credibility and strengthened external buffers.

“Exchange rates are important buffers to adjust the domestic economy relative to shocks,” Adrian said. “A depreciating exchange rate is not necessarily a bad thing; it may actually be a good thing to restore equilibrium. We have indeed seen in Nigeria many steps to strengthen policy frameworks, such as on the monetary policy side.”

He added that the IMF generally supports more flexible exchange rates for economies like Nigeria’s, noting that such flexibility helps cushion the impact of external shocks and restore balance in the foreign exchange market.

Supporting this position, Assistant Director at the IMF, Jason Wu, said Nigeria’s economic trajectory had improved significantly over the past year, helped by higher revenues and stronger FX reserve management.

“Revenue collection has strengthened in Nigeria and transparency in terms of FX reserve positions has improved,” Wu said. “All of this has contributed to lower inflation, from more than 30 per cent last year to 23 per cent this year, as well as improved FX reserve positions. So the direction of travel appears to be positive.”

The IMF, however, warned that despite these positive developments, Sub-Saharan Africa continues to face external headwinds, including the risk of another round of capital flow volatility that could affect economies with weak fundamentals.

“While growth has been pretty strong and capital flows are resuming, the previous surge-and-retrenchment cycles could happen again,” Wu warned. “When that happens, it could expose some of these economies to vulnerabilities, particularly when foreign investments retrace.”

He urged African countries to consolidate fiscal discipline, strengthen debt management, and deepen structural reforms to reduce vulnerability to external shocks.

“It is important for countries to continue to improve fundamentals on the fiscal and monetary policy side, but also in terms of developing more structural policies, like revenue mobilisation, debt management and hopefully also support from the international community,” Wu added.

(Punch)

Beautiful actress, Eve Esin shares pre-wedding pose, sets to wed partner (Photo)

Eve Esin set to wed partner

Beautiful and talented Nigerian actress, Eve Esin has taken to her Instagram page to share a pre-wedding photo to signify that she is getting married this weekend.

In the post, she keeps her partner’s identity private and expresses gratitude to God with the caption: “Mercy!! Take control, Lord! Love Found Me”.

The ceremony is generating excitement among fans and colleagues, with congratulatory messages pouring in.

This moment comes after years of speculation about her love life, with previous rumors and speculation about her relationship status.

Her post:

Eve Esin set to wed partner

Next time, Umahi should go to NTA, By Abimbola Adelakun

Minister of Works, David Umahi, got into an acrimonious exchange with Arise TV news anchor Rufai Oseni recently when he refused to answer a question the latter posed to him. Our culture preaches deference to elders and for that reason alone, some commentators could not believe the audacity of standing one’s ground when dealing with someone who has money and social status. Since those people have read the BBC style book closely enough to determine how a journalist’s conduct, can they also avail themselves of a guidebook that instructs politicians on their public comportment? If our ethicists are so passionate about the standards of professionalism, they should extend it both ways rather than hold the journalist to higher standards than the politician.

A sincere question for Umahi: if he is too self-important to face a panel of journalists and confront their hostile questions with facts readied at the tips of his fingers and his tongue, why appear on a television station? If he truly desires to be on television but would prefer the anchors to fete him rather than grill him, he had the choice to head for the state-owned station, the NTA, where he would be guaranteed a courtesy indistinguishable from the obsequiousness that public servants in Nigeria badly crave. I do not quite understand the people who took issue with Oseni over his taking Umahi to task. Umahi offered to be interviewed, not that they dragged him out of his house and forced him to appear on TV. They gave him a date and time, and he accepted. If he got dressed and sat in front of the TV without coercion, why exhibit recalcitrance because they asked you a question? What did he think he would be doing once they got on the air?

If you watch television frequently, you should already be familiar with Arise TV and its anchors’ individual styles. Some are muckrakers, others levelheaded; some are combative, some speak softly. You must also be aware of the station’s politics, ideological slant, market niche, branding, and the audience they cater to, to know what will happen when they put you on air.

Every media station defines itself by ideological biases, and if you are not forced to appear on their station, why go on their territory? In a place like the USA that has thousands of media stations, politicians are usually selective about where they appear. To avoid embarrassment, they do not accede to interviews with unfriendly media houses. You do not enter a hostile territory and attempt to bend people to your will. Democratic party members hardly appear on conservative Fox News, the same way their Republican counterparts will hesitate to be interviewed by liberal leaning CNN. Politicians who want to speak to a neutral audience seek out the media stations that cater to that demographic. Simple. I have observed that every time Oseni gets into a tough session with a politician, certain people whip out their Journalism 101 textbook and start quoting the “ethics” of the profession, conveniently forgetting that the nature of the news business has long evolved.

To anyone observant enough, news as an enterprise operates in a market where people have unlimited sources of information and distractions, and the old rules do not always apply. In the age of social media, what is called “news” ranges from sombre reports to blood sports; it is up to the viewers to make their choices from the selection. The old journalistic rule of thumb, “if it bleeds, it leads”, has given way to “if it will trend, better lead with it”. No one should be so naïve as not to have known this and prepared adequately. You either do the hard work of meeting your inquisitor with undisputable facts or you stay in your echo chamber. Umahi wanted to take advantage of everything Arise TV has to offer, which their state-funded news machinery evidently lacks—high-quality production, wide ratings, and an extended network reach—but did not want to do the hard work of preparation.

From their exchange, it turned out that the vexing question he was asked had come up previously. He appeared on the same station a second time and still did not bring any material to improve the discussion.

This time, he should have been ready with his facts and figures, but no, he thought that stating the statistics of his ongoing road project would be like “naming a baby that has not been born”. You listen to that and realise how much our leaders are steeped in primitive thinking. Yes, in a superstitious culture where people think that witches can eat your pregnancy, naming an unborn child is tempting fate. However, in a culture that has invented machines that can monitor the growth of a fetus every moment of the cycle and calculate many of the odds that might arise, they actually do name an unborn child.

This brings me to another issue I have written about in the past: when Nigerian politicians appear on television, it is almost always evident from the way they answer questions that they did not prepare. They take it for granted that they can BS their way through the session, and it shows in their conduct. I can bet any amount that Umahi did not get anyone to help him watch some past interviews, develop a set of questions that might possibly emerge (or even request the questions ahead), and rehearse his answers for him to give the best account of himself. If anything comes up after your preparation and you do not have your facts at hand, tell them you will check and get back to them on that—and do!

Like an average Nigerian big man, Umahi went on television ready to dazzle but ended up narrating endless monologues that had little to do with the issue at hand. Answering questions on television requires conciseness, a technique that comes with adequate preparation and rehearsal. He went on and on like he had been asked to bless the kolanut at a village meeting and capped the endless ramble with a lost temper. At the end of the day, he came across as shady and disingenuous. He insisted it was premature to reveal figures only to belatedly provide them days later. So, what was the drama all about when you could have done so or promised to do so later when you had cross-checked?

Finally, what vexes me most about the whole issue is that the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway is just one stretch. The way people have spilled sweat, saliva, and ink over it, one would be forgiven for imagining that what they are building is the peak of engineering feats. Recall that because of this single stretch of road, Reno Omokri too once donned a costume, carried a measuring tape, and invited a media crew to go with him as he made a show of checking the length of the tarred portion. If we can expend so much passion over a single stretch of road, what will now happen if Nigeria decides to construct a modern interstate highway system, like serious countries have done? Meanwhile, while they celebrate it as a singular and defining achievement, many of the roads at the federal, state, and local government levels remain decrepit and impassable. When the construction finally finishes, I can imagine how our politicians will celebrate it as if we have built something akin to China’s national expressway network.

Credit: Abimbola Adelakun

Nigerian Senate confirms Amupitan as INEC chairman

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Nigerian Senate has confirmed Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan as the new Chairman of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Amupitan’s confirmation which happened on Thursday, came after undergoing screening and answering many questions from members of the Senate in a session that lasted hours.

Before introducing himself to the Senators for the question and answer session to take off, Senate President Godswill Akpabio disclosed to his colleagues that the nominee had been cleared by the office of the National Security Adviser after vetting.

Questions that bordered on electoral reforms and electoral malpractices, the independence of INEC, were among those Amupitan has to answer during the screening session.

The red chamber will now have to formally inform President Bola Tinubu that his nominee has been confirmed.

Tinubu had earlier in a letter to the Senate, urged the members of the red chamber to expedite action on Amupitan’s confirmation.

Amupitan: New Broom At INEC, By Reuben Abati

Last week, October 7, the announcement was made of the exit of Professor Mahmoud Yakubu, Chair of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), 2015 – 2025, and his replacement in acting capacity by Mrs. May Agbamuche-Mbu, Chairperson of Legal Services, Clearance, and Complaints Committee (LSC &CC) – she is now likely to hold the record of being a placeholder for a short period of time.  The only other Acting Chairman in the history of INEC was Ms. Amina Bala Zakari (acting chair, June – November 2015). She spent about five months. Mrs Mbu may not be that lucky. For, by October 9, the National Council of State unanimously approved the nomination of a new INEC chairman, Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan whose name had been in circulation, for weeks, as President Tinubu’s preferred choice, and whose nomination will now go before the Senate for confirmation. That should be considered a done deal. It is not this Senate that will reject such a high-profile appointment by the President.

While we congratulate Professor Amupitan, we should also pity him because he has just accepted the most challenging assignment that anyone can ever wish for. The job of Nigeria’s chief electoral umpire is a thankless one. There is no one that has done this job in recent memory that has not been vilified, abused, called names. Nigeria’s political environment is toxic, the politicians are desperate, the institutions are weak, election matters often end up in tribunals and courts, and the judiciary gets dragged into an ecosystem of distrust. Electoral reforms, consistently argued for and pursued by civil society stakeholders have not necessarily changed the core defects in Nigeria’s political culture.  Professor Amupitan got his first baptism of fire the moment his name was announced.

President Tinubu reportedly described Amupitan as “a man of integrity and a non-partisan professional” , the first person from Kogi State, North Central Nigeria, to be nominated for the position.  The nominee indeed has strong credentials. Amupitan, 58, is a Professor of Law, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), the current Deputy Vice Chancellor, University of Jos, Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of Council, Ayo Babalola University, author of wieldy referenced law books on Company Law, Law of Evidence, Corporate Governance, and Trust, and a law teacher for about three decades. But even with this impressive profile, critics including the opposition, his own colleagues, that is lawyers, ethnic gladiators, and civil society activists have rushed to every available platform to discredit him. This is typical Nigerian behaviour, not necessarily a request for information and accountability; more so as most of the allegations raised do not stand the test of close scrutiny. In a curious indication of the depth of cynicism that has overtaken the land, the first target is Amupitan’s school certificates!

One Ph.D holder claims to have discovered holes in Amupitan’s qualifications noting that nobody knows the names of the primary and secondary schools that he attended, and that he purportedly attended Kwara State Polytechnic at the age of 15, he got a law degree within three years instead of five, he became a Head of Department in 2006 without a Ph.D, and a Dean of the Faculty in 2008, a year after his Ph.D. The gentleman claims to have “a fair understanding of the academic system”. He apparently does not. In response to his posers, Kenway Davidson, FCA who was Amupitan’s school mate and a childhood friend has disclosed that they both attended LEA primary School in Ayetoro-Gbede, Kogi State. He left the school from Primary 5 (which is not an offence) and proceeded to St. Barnabas Secondary School Kabba. From there, he gained admission to the School of Basic Studies at the Kwara State College of Technology for his A Levels. Law studies in Nigeria used to be for a period of four years only. An A level qualification meant that you would only spend three years instead of four. For the benefit of the man who claims to be familiar with the academic system, he needs to be told that a Ph.D, even Professorship, is not a qualification for appointment to the Headship of a Department, or the Deanship of a Faculty. It depends on the circumstances of the Department and Faculty.

Law teachers in many of our universities are also assessed differently: on the basis of both scholarship and legal practice under the A&P process, which is why it is possible to become a law Professor without necessarily having a Ph.D, which is compulsory for any advancement beyond a certain grade in most other disciplines. Amupitan was also attacked by a group of lawyers, over 1, 000 of them under the aegis of the Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners (ALDRAP), who wrote to the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters to ask that Amupitan’s nomination should be rejected on the grounds of conflict of interest he, having been lead counsel to the All Progressives Counsel (APC) during the 2023 Presidential Election Petition at the Supreme Court. ALDRAP’s gamble provides good justification for the claim that lawyers are part of the problem with Nigeria. A simple check would have revealed the truth, now provided by non-lawyers, and Babatunde Ogala, SAN, coordinator of the legal team, that indeed Amupitan was never part of the APC legal team. ALDRAP quoted this and that and sent its petition to anti-corruption and law enforcement agencies. That body owes Amupitan a public apology. Whoever signed that petition should be queried for exposing lawyers to public ridicule and seeking to incite the public.  It is now established that Amupitan has no conflict of interest, and that this is not a Lauretta Onochie situation as ALDRAP claimed.

What else? The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has questioned President Tinubu’s motive, arguing that by appointing Amupitan he merely wants to consolidate his control over the nation’s electoral process, and he has prioritised loyalty over competence. HURIWA has not provided any evidence to back up its allegation but it seems to echo the sub-text of some of the objections which is the ethnic view that Amupitan being a Yoruba from Kogi State, he would naturally protect the interest of his kinsman who is seeking a second term as President of Nigeria. Professor Farooq Kperogi in an essay writes about the “New INEC Boss and Tinubu’s Visibilization of Northern Yorubas.” Professor Amupitan is not just the first person from the North Central state of Kogi to be Chair of the country’s electoral body, he is also the first Yoruba man to be appointed to that position. Playing the ethnic card is too cheap. Nigerians are quick to play politics with the divisive and contentious issues at the heart of the national question. It certainly won’t be long before a group of noise makers also protest that Amupitan is a Christian. The fact however is that out of the 14 Chairpersons of Nigeria’s electoral body since 1959, the South South has produced seven, the South East, three; the North West two; the North East, one; the North Central and the South West; none. In the midst of it all, however, his nomination has been praised by the ruling APC, the founder of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) – Dr. Boniface Aneibonam, Secretary General, NNPP, Comrade Sunday Oginni, the Lagos State Chapter of the APC, the Ade Olamife Campaign Vanguard, Okun Youths, and the Yoruba Council of Elders.  Thus, in less than a week, Amupitan’s nomination has already divided the public, a sign of what is to come. His season of innocence is over.

He must contend with and manage other disadvantages. Non-Yorubas already assume that he has been given the job to defend Tinubu’s interest. They will not stop discrediting him. The entrenched forces at INEC headquarters would see him as an outsider. He will need to win their confidence otherwise they will sabotage him. If he has any doubt about what such forces within a public institution are capable of doing, he should try and find out what Engr. Bayo Ojulari’s eyes are seeing as Yorubas would say as GMD/CEO at the NNPCL.  NNPP’s Aniebonam may have welcomed his appointment but he can be sure that other leaders of the opposition would not be so kind to him. They think he is Tinubu’s agent and for as long as the INEC Chairman is appointed by an incumbent President, every INEC Chairman would be seen as a stooge of the man in power. For this to change, it will require an amendment of Section 154 of the 1999 Constitution, which currently vests the power to appoint the INEC Chairman, as well as National and Resident Electoral Commissioners in the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate. Other stakeholders including citizens feel left out. Professor Amupitan will need to build trust. He must back up performance with deft skills of public communication and diplomacy. His state Governor, Ahmed Ododo says he is “a man of integrity”. Nigerians do not know that. He will need to prove it.

He will also do well to study the experiences of his predecessors and what he can learn from their strengths and weaknesses: Justice Ephraim Akpata conducted the 1998/1999 elections. He died in office. Dr. Abel Guobadia oversaw the 2003 elections. Nobody praised him. Professor Maurice Iwu presided over the 2007 elections. He was removed in April 2010. Professor Attahiru Jega conducted the 2011 and 2015 general elections. It was under his watch that biometric voter registration smart card readers were introduced. He managed to complete a tenure of five years. Since 1998, it is only Professor Mahmoud Yakubu that has spent 10 years as INEC Chairman.  He conducted the 2019 and 2023 general elections, but he too had issues with the credibility and integrity of the electoral process. None of the chief electoral umpires before 1999 ended up as a hero either. They include Ronald Edward Wraith (Electoral Commission of Nigeria, ECN, 1958), Eyo Ita Esua (ECN, 1964-1966), Michael Ani (FEDECO, 1976 – 1979) Victor Ovie-Whiskey (FEDECO, 1980 – 1983); Eme Awa (NEC, 1987 – 1989); Humphrey Nwosu (NEC, 1989 – 1993); Okon Edet Uya (NEC, 1993 – 1993); and Sumner Dagogo-Jack (INEC, 1994 -1998).

The new broom (no pun intended) is assuming office at a time INEC suffers from grave reputational deficits and there are anxieties about the forthcoming 2027 general elections which from all indications would be conducted under him. This comment is not an appraisal of Professor Mahmoud Yakubu’s tenure, as we have seen from the trajectory of the institution, there is no magician that can lead INEC without drowning in a sea of criticisms. Two things in which Nigerians claim expertise more than the man who has the main job: every Nigerian is a football coach; we all seem to know better than the coach. Every Nigerian is a chief electoral umpire. Each one of us has an idea about how elections must be conducted. Professor Amupitan is already being inundated with suggestions and directives from virtually every stakeholder. His primary task is to re-build the reputation of INEC. His first major field tests would probably be the Anambra Governorship election on November 8, Area Council elections in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), on February 21, 2026, the Ekiti State Governorship election on June 20, 2026, and the Osun State Governorship election on August 8, 2026, all already contained in the schedule of elections that he would be inheriting from the Yakubu INEC. It would also be his duty to continue with the Continuous Voter Registration exercise and to get INEC ready ahead of the 2027 general elections.

He has his work already cut out for him. But there are bigger issues: the urgent need to restore credibility and reform the electoral process, respect for court orders by INEC, calls for the prosecution of electoral offenders, and a review of INEC’s operational capabilities.

Credit: Reuben Abati

Nigeria’s Super Eagles will meet Gabon in World Cup play-offs

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Gabon is Nigeria’s opponent in the semi-finals of the African section of the 2026 FIFA World Cup play-offs, following the conclusion of the qualifying group matches on Tuesday.

Super Eagles booked their place after a 4–0 victory over Benin on Tuesday, while Gabon confirmed second place in Group F with a 2–0 win against Burundi and Ivory Coast’s thumping of Kenya to win the group.

DR Congo also sealed their qualification with a narrow 1–0 win over Sudan to finish runners-up in Group B behind Senegal, with Cameroon joining them after placing second in Group D behind Cape Verde.

Play-offs, which will feature the four best runners-up from the nine African qualifying groups, are scheduled to take place in Morocco from November 13 to 16.

Nigeria, expected to remain the highest-ranked African side among the four when FIFA releases its updated rankings on October 23, will face the lowest-ranked team among the four, Gabon.

Cameroon and DR Congo will contest the other semi-final.

Both semi-finals will be played on November 13, with the winners meeting three days later in a single-leg final.

The overall winner will advance to the inter-confederation play-offs in March 2026 for a chance to qualify for the World Cup finals in Canada, Mexico and the United States.

The matches will be played as single-leg knockouts in a venue to be determined by CAF later.

If tied after 90 minutes, 30 minutes of extra time will follow, and if the scores remain level, a penalty shoot-out will decide the winner.

Morocco will host the mini-tournament, which gives Africa an additional opportunity to secure a place at the expanded 48-team World Cup.

All nine African group winners have already qualified directly for next year’s finals, while the play-offs will determine whether the continent can add one more representative through the inter-continental route.

DisCos get N28bn bailout for free meter rollout

NERC

Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) has approved the disbursement of N28bn to electricity distribution companies for the second phase of the Meter Acquisition Fund scheme, for the metering of all outstanding Band A customers free of charge.

The order, cited as ‘NERC Order No: 2025/10—Order on the Operationalisation of Tranche B of the Meter Acquisition Fund’, took effect from October 6, 2025 and forms part of the Presidential Metering Initiative, which aims to close Nigeria’s estimated seven-million-meter deficit.

In the new directive signed by NERC Vice Chairman, Dr. Musiliu Oseni, and the Commissioner for Legal, Licensing and Compliance, Dafe Akpeneye, the commission said the latest tranche would focus on metering all outstanding unmetered Band A customers while expediting the closure of the metering gap for customers currently classified under Tariff Band B.

“The commission has further approved the deployment of the sum of NGN28,000,000,000 for Tranche B of the MAF Scheme. These funds shall be allocated in proportion to the respective contributions of the DisCos and are intended to meter all outstanding unmetered Band A customers while also expediting the closure of the metering gap for customers currently classified under Tariff Band B,” the commission explained.

It added further that “DisCos shall utilise N28bn of the MAF scheme for Tranche B, apportioned in accordance with their respective contributions for the procurement and installation of meters for unmetered Band ‘A’ and ‘B’ customers within their franchise areas.”

The N28bn will be shared among the 11 distribution companies in proportion to their market contributions. Ikeja Electric will receive the highest allocation of N5.47bn, followed by Eko DisCo with N4.36bn, Ibadan DisCo with N4.26bn, and Abuja DisCo with N3.31bn. Yola got N231m, and Jos received N794m.

The commission said the initiative was designed to accelerate meter deployment, enhance service quality, and reduce energy theft and collection losses.

According to the order, all the meters to be procured and installed under the MAF framework shall be provided at no cost to the customers.

It explained that Tranche B builds on the first N21bn tranche, which ended on June 30, 2025, under which the commission approved meter purchases from funds accrued through the national electricity market.

“As of the April 2024 market settlement cycle, the sum of N21.86bn had accrued and was made available for the procurement of meters under the first tranche of the MAF scheme,” the commission noted.

Under the new framework, NERC imposed strict timelines for procurement, delivery, and installation.

The order mandated DisCos to begin the procurement process within 10 days of the order’s effective date and to submit their selected meter providers to NERC within 15 days for approval.

“DisCos shall, within 10 days from the effective date of this order, conduct a transparent procurement process for the selection and execution of a contract with MAPs with verified and ready-for-deployment meter stock for the metering of end-use customer meters under the MAF scheme.

“DisCos shall, no later than 15 days from the date of the order, submit to the commission a list of their selected MAPs and details of meter inventory, including meter types, brand names, serial numbers, and meter location, to obtain a ‘No-Objection’ approval from the commission,” it was stated.

After approval, Meter Asset Providers are required to deliver 100 per cent of contracted meter stock within seven days to the DisCos’ warehouses for verification.

“Where the selected MAP fails to deliver the contracted meter quantities within the seven-day timeframe, supply of the outstanding meter quantities shall be opened up to another MAP on a first-come, first-served basis,” NERC warned.

It further directed that once meters are delivered and verified, the Fund Manager will release 60 per cent of the contract sum, while the remaining 40 per cent will be paid only after full installation is verified.

NERC warned that distribution companies would be penalised if installation delays arise from their own failures, such as not providing network clearance or accurate customer information.

“Where the non-installation of meters is directly attributable to DisCo’s failure, such DisCo shall be liable to a penalty equivalent to the total cost of the uninstalled meters. A penalty shall be deducted from the DisCo’s approved Administrative Operating Expenditure,” the order stated.

The commission gave DisCos until the end of the year to complete all installations funded under Tranche B.

“The installation of meters shall be completed by 31 December 2025,” the order declared.

NERC said the Meter Acquisition Fund was created to offset the impact of DisCos’ poor creditworthiness, which has hampered their ability to secure loans for metering and infrastructure.

The commission noted that despite earlier interventions such as the Meter Asset Provider Regulations 2018 and the MAP & National Mass Metering Regulations 2021, Nigeria’s metering deficit remains above seven million.

“There is an urgent and compelling need to accelerate the closure of the metering gap for all customers currently classified under Tariff Band A to safeguard revenue protection and enable effective demand-side management,” the order said.

With the new N28bn tranche, the commission expects that by the end of 2025, all premium customers on Band A would be fully metered, bringing Nigeria closer to eliminating estimated billing and ensuring more accurate energy accountability across the power sector.

NERC said that the number of metered customers nationwide rose to 6,422,933 as of June 2025, representing a slight rise in the national metering rate from 53.78 per cent in May to 54.33 per cent in June. The NERC data showed that the country’s total active electricity customers rose marginally from 11,784,842 in May to 11,821,194 in June.

(Punch)