Understandably distracted by the high intensity of the ongoing electioneering campaigns, the public seems to have ignored an equally important issue of the moment. That issue has to do with the many scams trailing the PVC contract awarded by INEC Chair, Attahiru Jega. Considering the low publicity, this piece comes as a modest effort by a concerned citizen to put a spotlight on the issue, in the hope that the public will be better informed on the facts. The piece will stand on the threshold of facts and disclosures never made before. Having said that, below, therefore, are the verified facts and disclosures, which have been supplied by patriotic Nigerians working at INEC, Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), and other pertinent entities:
First, as regards the PVC, an obscure and poorly-capitalized Nigerian company, by name of ACT Technologies Limited, was awarded a N2.6 billion contract by Jega to produce the them. Then, just as immediately, ACT proved its technical incompetence by in turn sub-contracting the production of the PVCs to a Chinese firm, potentially in flagrant violation of our national security laws on protection of biometric information of Nigerians. Official records show that the contract was awarded since February 2013 in Naira and was supposed to be performed within seven months, but almost immediately re-designated by Jega in dollars to the Chinese company at US$140 million, at the then prevailing exchange rate. That was more than two years ago. With the recent spikes in the exchange value of the Naira, it is safe to say that Nigerians will now end up paying well over N3b for this contract, all thanks to the avoidable delay occasioned by Jega’s questionable dalliances with this technically-unqualified ACT Technologies.
Second, an itemized voucher of the payments ordered by Jega confirmed that on February 14, 2013, Jega paid the sum of N489,937,500 to ACT Technologies, being initial payment for the production of the PVCs. The money was paid through JAIZ Islamic Bank. After this initial payment, other hurried payments totaling over N2.6 billion was paid to the Nigerian and Chinese companies for the fast-track production of the over 68.8 million PVCs. They were again given seven months from April 13, 2013 to fully produce and supply all the PVCs. Those seven months have long passed and despite full payment authorized by Jega, the PVCs are yet to be fully supplied, just two weeks to the election set for March 28, 2015; and one month (and still counting) from February 14 Jega had insisted the presidential election must hold.
Third, despite ACT’s proven inability to perform, Jega authorized another quickly arranged payment of N590,871,418 on February 19, 2015, a clear five days after the presidential election was meant to have been held on February 14, a date aggressively pushed by Jega as sacrosanct, all to the irreparable injury of the fine reputation of many patriotic Nigerians who had called for postponement. Still, according to highly-placed sources at INEC, a significant batch of the PVCs are yet to be produced, just few days to the presidential election set for March 28, 2015. It will be recalled that shortly after the presidential and other elections were postponed, Jega had dubiously stated to the Senate that up to one million PVCs had still not been produced by the Chinese subcontractors; yet he brazenly lied to the nation and a gullible element of the international community that he was compelled to postpone the election by security chiefs and the Presidency. Poor security chiefs.
Fourth, what is most worrisome but still hardly appreciated, in its many ramifications, is the fact that Jega, on 19th February 2015, paid over five hundred million Naira for PVCs that would not have been used for the elections. Again, recall that the elections would have been held and a ‘winner’ declared on 14th February, without these remaining millions of PVCs. The credit for preventing this infamy goes to all gutsy and patriotic Nigerians who boldly banded together to stop Jega and the few that insisted on February 14th, most probably because they knew all along that this whole scheme was deliberately geared to a certain hideous objective. It is now known why some ‘favored’ parts of the country recorded very high PVC distribution and ‘collection’ than others. It is partly because PVCs for most parts of southern Nigeria were never even produced, not to talk of distribution and collection. Yet, Jega still wanted elections held from February when they could have been held in April, as was done in the past. Americans say: ‘if ain’t broken, don’t fix it’. So, since our previous elections were held in April without issues bordering on the April timeframe, why was Jega rushing to hold the elections from February, knowing that millions of the PVCs were not yet supplied? Why was Jega not bordered that millions of Nigerians would have been disenfranchised to an egregious extent that would have led to judicial annulment of the entire results?
Fifth, a check of public records showed that ACT had listed a certain Ahmad Yahaya as its Vice President, but that information was removed since the ill-fated PVC contract award masterminded by Jega. Yahaya also maintains a LinkedIn account that listed him as former Vice President of ACT. A check of other internet records reveal that Ahmad Yahaya also has an active Facebook account as Ahmad Yahaya Jega, and listed Jega, Kebbi State as his hometown. INEC Chairman Attahiru Jega is also from Jega in Kebbi State, and like Ahmad Yahaya Jega, attended Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. A casual scrutiny of Ahmad Yahaya Jega’s Facebook profile picture shows a striking resemblance to the visage of INEC Chair, Attahiru Jega; so it raises the high likelihood that two are closely related by blood or kinship.
Sixth, ACT Technologies listed a paltry Ten Million Naira (N10m) as its share capital, according to certified records at the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC). It raises questions as to why Jega could have awarded such a sensitive contract of almost N3b to such an inadequately-funded, technically-unqualified company like ACT, which to this day still proves unable to perform, all with the present and imminent dangers it portends to Nigeria’s security and stability. There are so many better qualified, older, financially capable and tested ICT companies owned by Nigerians. But as far as Jega is concerned, these companies don’t qualify simply because their owners are from the ‘wrong’ part of Nigeria. Recall that in the recent past, many concerned INEC officials had publicly blown the whistle on Jega’s sectional tendencies in the running of affairs at INEC. This is shameful, potentially unlawful, and adversely bears on Jega’s impartiality.
Seventh, according to other highly reliable official records, ACT had listed as its partners the following reputable companies: Microsoft USA, Avalon Biometrics Spain, Oberthur Technologies of France, Cisco Systems, and Hewlett Packard. But a check of the corporate profiles of these companies containing list of its foreign partners did not have ACT as a partner of any kind to any of these companies. ACT itself, on its website, also claims to be in partnership with the above companies. If that is true, then why did ACT re-award the PVC contract to an unnamed and less-qualified Chinese company when it has these more technically qualified companies as its partners? What did Jega know about this, and when did he know it? These questions are germane to Nigeria’s date with March 28, and its aftermaths.
Finally, as the nation awaits the fateful March 28, 2015 with a baited breath, it leaves a lot to the imagination what other contract and ethics scandals that will suddenly emerge from Jega’s INEC. And it could be far worse, as we remain riveted to these doomed PVCs; and diverted by those that are cheering and emboldening Jega, fully aware of the damages the man has wrought on the credibility of the elections and the fine reputation of many Nigerians that dared to question. Your guess as to what secretly motivates them is as good as mine.