Osimhen raises World Cup hope in Nigeria’s 4-0 rout of Benin

Osimhen

Super Eagles of Nigeria have defeated the Cheetahs of the Benin Republic 4-0 in the decisive 2026 World Cup qualification at the Godswill Akpabio Stadium, Uyo.

Nigerian striker, Victor Osimhen’s hat-trick and second-half goal from substitute Frank Onyeka were enough to give Nigeria three points against Benin in its quest to qualify for the World Cup.

There were four changes from our win over Lesotho. Ndidi was the captain of the team tonight. Simon makes his 85th appearance. Osimhen partners with Akor Adams up front.

The Super Eagles come knocking on the Cheetahs’ door again in the hunt for a fourth goal, but the effort was wasted by Wilfred Ndidi in the 68th minute.

However, the resilient Nigerian squad came knocking again after substitute Onyeka fired a shot past the Beninoise goalkeeper to make it four goals to nil in the 90th minute.

Even though the goals were not enough to give Nigeria the qualification ticket, as leaders, South Africa secured three points by beating Rwanda 3-0, qualifying for the World Cup tournament in the United States of America, Canada, and Mexico in 2026.

Photo: X

‘Federal highways of horror’, By Lasisi Olagunju

Balling with Bola Tinubu at 73, By Lasisi Olagunju

You know where the latest anti-government journalists are in Lagos? Kirikiri. On a day that Nigerians were celebrating an additional spur of 100 kilometres to the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road, the killjoys of Kirikiri struck. They took a happy, joyous people of 200 million on a gruelling, bumpy ride across the country. They ran painful stories of craters and potholes and headlined them: ‘Federal Highways of Horror.’

It is a miracle that our Minister of Works, Dave Umahi, has not pummeled the Lagos newspaper called Vanguard. It ran the bad stories. It is still unclear why the minister has not rebuked its owner and spanked its journalists for publishing what they were not supposed to publish. Not once, but twice, last week they allowed the devil to use them to tell stories of collapsed federal roads from the north to the south. Their stories portrayed hardworking Umahi as a failure in monumental proportions.

Those journalists, injected with an overdose of impudence, said they did an investigation. They painted a grim picture of federal highways across multiple Nigerian states suffering severe neglect. They said the neglect has made travel dangerous, expensive, and time-consuming. They wrote as if they were sent to pull down a house built by God.

In the South, they came up with a long list of bad roads. They said northern states shared the same story of pain. They described some roads as crater-filled horror scenes; some as barely passable, others as sites long abandoned by contractors. On the few ones harbouring contractors, the signs they displayed showed slow men at work.

It does not rain; it pours. Amid narratives of millions of bad federal roads, Umahi made himself professor last week. “I am a professor of Engineering,” he announced on national television. Professor Umahi? I pray he is not asked to name the king who blessed him with that chieftaincy title. Some Arise News television journalists, whose eyes lack lashes, forced him to make himself professor. They habitually tug at the hem of Umahi’s professorial gown. They pelt him with questions that should never be asked. They remind our working Minister of Works that a river that is not dirty does not hide its depth. Last week, they demanded the cost of federal roads per kilometre. Who does that? And, I am happy, Minister Umahi gave it back to them. He said they are illiterates. Yeah. Don’t they know that for our federal government, spirits decide the total costs of projects? If they were truly not illiterates, they would know that this government is a wholesale seller and buyer; it is too rich to do retail business measured with short tape rules and elementary school rulers.

Oyo State governor, Seyi Makinde, thought because he was governor and engineer he could join the talk and say that calculating the average cost per kilometre was possible in road construction. He was similarly told by our minister to shut up or he would be summoned to a debate on the very difficult mathematics of road construction. Umahi said he is Makinde’s senior in engineering. Senior Prefect Umahi described electrical electronics engineers as ‘technicians’ who must not speak on project costs.

Now, what we are told to hold as knowledge from Professor Umahi is that it is impossible to know how much a kilometre of road costs in Nigeria until such projects are completed. God is great. The World Bank must have missed that wisdom back in 1999 when it created the Road Costs Knowledge System (ROCKS), a database that calmly lists what it costs to build or fix a kilometre of road from Umahi’s village in Ebonyi to Makinde’s Ajia in Ibadan. A key feature of the World Bank’s ROCKS is its record of actual and estimated road work costs, clearly defined per kilometre and per square metre. Apparently, only in Nigeria do roads and their costs defy mathematics and logic.

In utter helplessness, we watch the roads and their costs stretch and shrink like chewing gum depending on whose fingers are working the calculator. While other countries classify their roads by type and cost per kilometre, we prefer a more spiritual approach – if you are an enemy, call it faith-based budgeting.

Clarity is the father of all openness. Why is it missing here? Again, that is not a question or a proverb that we must hear again from anyone, especially professional troublemakers called journalists. What is the problem of Nigerian journalists? Because their eyes have no skin, they query power. Where a cup is half-full, what our journalists see all their lives is a half-empty cup. They didn’t start today. They are historically insolent. What they do to this government, they did to even our ancestor, Lord Lugard, in 1913, one full year before Amalgamation. On 8 March, 1913, one rude journalist working with a newspaper called Lagos Weekly Record wrote that Lugard was a wicked, ruthless character, “a man whose walking stick is a pistol and whose thoughts by day and dreams at night are punitive expeditions and military patrols.”

And what was Lugard’s reaction to such attacks? He fought them with laws and knocks. At a point, he documented their impudence with a letter to his wife, Flora. In the letter, he bunched the journalist with all the other “educated native” who deserved no sympathy. He wrote about the native enemy of the state: “His loud and arrogant conceit are distasteful to me, his lack of natural dignity and of courtesy antagonise me.” Lugard’s biographer, Margery Perham, graciously remembered to put this in the book: ‘Lugard: The Years of Authority’ on page 585. If you can’t get Perham but are fortunate to get Jonathan Derrick’s ‘Africa, Empire and Fleet Street’, check the details there. They are on page 115.

So, as Lugard, the creator of Nigeria rightly wrote, the Nigerian journalist is arrogant and lacks courtesy. Such are called alárífín in Yoruba. In the days of old, the crime of àrífín carried capital punishment. Aróbafín l’oba npa. But today’s journalists are lucky that they are in a republican democracy. Even then, someone should pay for their bad behaviour. The slap they get from ministers like Umahi is the first tranche of the cost of their bad manners.

What should the state do to the conceited who won’t let expressway contracts be awarded expressly in peace? I have a solution to their problem: Like the Vanguard, they should all be relocated to Kirikiri; all of them, from Lagos to Ibadan; from Ibadan to Lagos. And, if I had my way, I would tip off Umahi and all his harangued hardworking colleagues to award contracts this week for more cells for enemies of the president’s coastal elephant and other projects of renewal. Their new accommodation should enjoy maximum security. They deserve Kirikiri, Kirikiri deserves them.

What comes fast cannot be delayed again. It happened to cricket. Cricket set his wedding day and simultaneously asked his doctor to start preparing for child delivery. The contracts for a safe house for Nigerian journalists can be awarded today, or, latest tomorrow. There is no need for formalities. Exactly like the Coastal Road contract, this is another no for competitive bidding. We already know contractors with proven track records of expertise in casting beams and building cells. We select and hit the site digging. We can fix the contract cost after the job is done.

From this point, we see long shadows over the country; there is no clarity about important things government do. But, one day soon, like sun rays, clarity will force its way in; it is the father of openness.

Now, beyond the scaffold of satire, I wish I could just tear the mask and tell Minister Umahi that what we have today under his watch is road transportation without roads. And he is Minister of Works in charge of roads. It is a shame.

In May this year (2025), I wrote ‘The shame of Ibadan-Ife-Ilesa road.’ The first two paragraphs of the piece read:

“Mr Dele Alake represents Ekiti State in the Federal Executive Council. Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola represents Osun State in the Federal Executive Council. Mr Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo represents Ondo State in the Federal Executive Council. All three of them are the president’s core men. Each time the council sits and approves federal roads for reconstruction in states other than theirs, what goes on in their minds? They are very powerful ministers but all federal roads that lead to their states are decrepit and abandoned. And they know. So, what is the problem?

“The Ibadan-Ife-Ilesa road that links these ministers’ states to Lagos and to the North is the worst in Nigeria. Senate leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, is from Ekiti State. He belongs to the president’s inner caucus. Tough-talking PDP Senator Francis Fadahunsi represents Ife-Ijesa senatorial district. There are seven other senators and several Reps of APC and PDP from those three states. Has anyone heard them say or do anything to make that road well again? Do these people go home and how do they get home whenever they go home? Nigerians of all states lose lives and limbs on that road daily. Death by installments on the road is harrowing and it is a daily experience. It is a fitting tribute to the attention we pay to our people’s welfare.”

That was on May 12, 2025 (five months ago). If the road was “going, going” when I wrote that piece, it is gone now. Gone. An ex-senator told a columnist in May this year that N20 billion had been “released for repairs” of that road. In August 2025, Umahi announced the release of 30 percent of the contract sum. How much is the contract sum? Don’t even go there. If you go there, the minister will be angry. He will remind you that you are not a road professor. If you must ask any question at all, ask what has happened to what Umahi said was released, his 30 percent. Ask, because, nothing that is worth one kobo has happened on that road this year.

But the total collapse of the road did not come to me as a surprise. By the noon of May 12, 2025 when I published the article, one of the senators I called out in the piece called me.

“They have just read to me what you wrote.” He told me. Big men don’t read newspapers; newspapers are read to big men. Senator said he laughed at my naivety. He wondered why I was disturbing myself writing rubbish about a contract that may never be executed.

“Do you think Nigeria can ever be better than it is? (Sé ìwo rò wípé Nigeria lè dára jù báyìí lo ni?)” He asked and proceeded to shame me with names, facts and figures all of which answered his question with a no. He said I should record and publish all he said. I laughed at the audacity of his directive. An orphan like me will never dare court a wound on the back.

Besides, I was taught early in life to make my eyes flexible enough for them to see the nose. That was the wisdom that eluded Partridge who claimed to know it all, and because he made that claim, he blocked his own opportunity to learn Ifá from the pigeon. ‘Mo m’Obàrà, mo m’Ofún,’ tí kò j e kí ẹyẹlé k’ àparò n’Ífá (I know Obàrà, I know Ofún’ made the pigeon not to teach Ifá to the partridge).

So, my pigeon listened attentively to the incantation from the hawk. This senator ended his long, windy speech with a submission that the Ibadan-Ife-Ilesa road, and other federal roads in the South-West were decrepit and abandoned because the Works Minister “does not like hearing South-West at all.” I heard him and sighed.

When the outspoken gentleman spoke with me five months ago, he was a PDP senator. He has since moved to Dave Umahi’s party. Now, I wonder if he will still say what he said now that he is in APC.

Author and literary critic, Robert M. Wren (1928-1989), in 1982 wrote “The Last Bridge on ‘The Road’: Soyinka’s Rage and Compassion.” He tells us that in 1962, Wole Soyinka, in a Lagos Daily Express essay entitled ‘Bad Roads, Bad Users, Bad Deaths’ captured Nigeria’s enduring road crisis. Writing with outrage and in satire, Soyinka lamented the deadly state of the highways. He agonised over the state of the Lagos–Ibadan road (Mile 34); there was what he called “the death-trap at Ife”, and “the last bridge on Ikorodu Road.” Soyinka recalled and deplored a senator’s refusal to carry a crash victim with a spinal cord injury to Ibadan. More than six decades later, the roads are still bad, very bad; they still kill; senators are still cold-blooded; they still wonder why anyone bothers to care that the roads are bad.

Credit: Lasisi Olagunju

Bola Tinubu jets out to Rome

Nigeria@64: Tinubu's Independence anniversary speech

President Bola Tinubu on Sunday departed Abuja for Rome, the capital of Italy, to participate in the Aqaba Process heads of state and government level meeting.

Co-chaired by the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the Italian government, the Aqaba Process focuses on strengthening global and regional collaboration against terrorism and transnational threats.

Tinubu’s spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, in a statement, said the Aqaba Process meeting is a counter-terrorism initiative launched by King Abdullah II of Jordan in 2015.

“The meeting, which will begin on October 14, will bring together heads of state and government, senior intelligence and military officials from African countries, and representatives of intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations to discuss the evolving security challenges in West Africa,” Onanuga stated.

“It recognises the complex security challenges confronting West Africa, including the expansion of terrorist networks, the growing crime-terror nexus and the increasing overlap between land-based terrorism in the Sahel and the maritime piracy in the Gulf of Guinea.”

Stablecoins and the Future of Money: Convergence, Not Competition, By Ebenezer Onyeagwu

Ebenezer-Onyeagwu Zenith Bank - Aproko247 Magazine

At the recent Africa-Canadian Fintech Forum, one message rang clear: the future of money will not be defined by competition, but by collaboration and convergence. Stablecoins, fiat currencies, and payment systems like PAPSS (Pan-African Payment and Settlement System) are not rivals—they are complementary instruments shaping a new, inclusive, and efficient global financial order.

A Quiet Revolution in Global Finance

Across the world—from Lagos to London, Toronto to Singapore, and Dubai to Nairobi—finance is being redefined. The rise of stablecoins, blockchain-based tokens pegged to fiat currencies such as the U.S. dollar, marks a fundamental shift in how value is stored and transferred.

Initially viewed as speculative crypto assets, stablecoins have evolved into serious tools for cross-border trade, remittances, and financial inclusion. Their appeal lies in three features: instant settlement, borderless accessibility, and programmable automation.

In the United States, stablecoins like USDC (Circle) and PayPal USD are now used by major institutions. In Singapore, the Monetary Authority (MAS) has licensed fully backed issuers. In Nigeria and Kenya, small businesses are embracing USDT (Tether) as a hedge against currency volatility. These developments illustrate how stablecoins are bridging the gap between traditional finance and the digital economy.

The Fiat System Under Pressure

Fiat money remains the cornerstone of global commerce, but it faces growing strain. Cross-border transfers between Africa and Europe remain slow and expensive, while inflation in Argentina and Turkey has eroded public trust in local currencies. In Nigeria, persistent naira volatility has pushed individuals and businesses toward dollar-linked digital alternatives.

This does not signal the end of fiat—it signals the need for transformation. The next generation of money must be faster, cheaper, and more inclusive, harnessing digital innovation without losing regulatory oversight.

The Central Bank’s Expanding Role

Rather than being sidelined, central banks are becoming key architects of the emerging digital monetary ecosystem. Their evolving role encompasses:

•               Regulatory oversight: Defining frameworks to distinguish payment-backed stablecoins from speculative crypto assets.

•               Issuer supervision: Permitting issuance only through licensed banks or regulated payment institutions.

•               CBDC development: Rolling out sovereign digital currencies such as China’s e-CNY, Nigeria’s eNaira, and Brazil’s DREX.

•               Cross-border collaboration: Participating in projects like Project Dunbar (Singapore, Malaysia, South Africa, and Australia) and Project Icebreaker (Nordic region) to test international CBDC interoperability.

•               Liquidity management: Using tokenized reserves to support regional platforms such as PAPSS during periods of foreign-exchange shortages.

In essence, central banks are re-engineering monetary policy for the digital age—balancing innovation with sovereignty and systemic stability.

The Promise of Stablecoins for Africa

Stablecoins are not merely digital cash—they are emerging as infrastructure for the global financial system.

In the UAE, Project Aber demonstrated cross-border settlements using shared digital currencies. Japan and Hong Kong have approved stablecoin issuers for corporate use. In Kenya and Ghana, fintech startups are building blockchain-based regional payment solutions.

For Africa’s AfCFTA vision, stablecoins could serve as bridging assets, reducing transaction costs and currency conversion risks while facilitating intra-African trade.

Complementing PAPSS and AfCFTA

The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS)—a flagship AfCFTA initiative led by Afreximbank—already enables real-time payments across African borders in local currencies. However, its long-term scalability depends on liquidity, interoperability, and trust.

Stablecoins can strengthen PAPSS by:

•               Providing digital liquidity for cross-border settlements;

•               Enhancing interoperability between national systems and digital wallets;

•               Offering transparent and auditable reserve mechanisms; and

•               Powering programmable finance, automating escrow, tax, and trade settlements.

Together, PAPSS and stablecoins can form the backbone of a digitally unified African financial architecture.

The Downsides and Risks

Despite their promise, stablecoins carry notable risks:

•               Reserve opacity: Some issuers have failed to prove full backing, as seen in the collapse of TerraUSD in 2022.

•               Operational fragility: Private issuers face hacking and liquidity risks.

•               Regulatory gaps: Inconsistent frameworks across jurisdictions could enable misuse.

•               Systemic contagion: A major stablecoin failure could disrupt global financial markets.

•               Policy leakage: Widespread adoption of dollar-backed stablecoins could weaken local monetary sovereignty in emerging markets.

These vulnerabilities underscore the need for robust regulation, transparency, and coordination with central banks.

Regulation Will Shape the Future

Governments and regulators are responding.

The European Union’s MiCA framework sets a global benchmark for reserve transparency and investor protection. The U.S. Stablecoin Transparency Act aims to ensure federal oversight. Singapore, South Africa, and Mauritius are establishing regulatory blueprints that balance innovation with prudential control.

Ultimately, regulated innovation—anchored by central bank supervision—will determine which stablecoins endure.

The Road Ahead

Stablecoins will not replace fiat; they will extend and complement it. From the dollar and euro to the naira and dirham, national currencies are being reimagined in tokenized form. For Africa, alignment between PAPSS, AfCFTA, and central-bank-supervised stablecoins can unlock new frontiers of inclusion, trade, and monetary resilience.

The future of money will be multi-layered—fiat as the foundation of trust, stablecoins as the engine of efficiency, and central banks as the guardians of credibility and interoperability.

Conclusion

Stablecoins represent one of the most significant monetary innovations of the 21st century. Their value lies not in speculation but in their capacity to solve real-world frictions—speed, cost, and access.

As central banks from China to Nigeria, the U.S. to Kenya, and Singapore to the UAE embrace digital frameworks, the global economy is edging toward a digital, interoperable, and inclusive future—one where fiat, stablecoins, and PAPSS together drive Africa’s next chapter of growth and global integration.

Dr. Onyeagwu is ex-CEO of Zenith Bank Plc

Credit: Ebenezer Onyeagwu

BBNaija star, Angel Smith gifted Mercedes Benz car by her lover (Photos)

BBNaija Angel receives Mercedes Benz from lover

Big Brother Naija (BBNaija) star, Angel Smith has been gifted a new Mercedes-Benz car by her lover (Love of her life).

The reality TV show star and media personality, took to her Instagram page to share photos and videos of the luxury vehicle, expressing her gratitude for the thoughtful surprise.

“Well, thank you to the LOML,” Angel captioned the post, referring to her lover as the “Love of My Life.”

The gift has sparked buzz among fans, with many congratulating Angel on the lavish gift.

The surprise comes amid speculation about her love life, following her split from former partner Soma.

More photos:

BBNaija Angel receives Mercedes Benz from lover

BBNaija Angel receives Mercedes Benz from lover

BBNaija Angel receives Mercedes Benz from lover

WhatsApp to replace phone numbers with usernames

WhatsApp deletes over 6.8m accounts linked to scams, Meta says

Messaging platform, WhatsApp, is said to be testing a groundbreaking feature that could allow users to connect without revealing their phone numbers.

Reports say, the Meta-owned platform is working on a username system similar to what exists on Instagram, Telegram, and X, in what could become one of the  app’s biggest privacy upgrades yet.

The feature, said to be currently in beta testing, will let users create unique usernames to chat and join groups without exposing their numbers. This move aims to enhance privacy, particularly in large community groups and business interactions where sharing personal contacts can feel intrusive.

Leaked screenshots reveal a new “Username” option within user profiles, giving people the ability to pick custom handles and decide whether to hide their phone numbers.

However, experts warn that the update could lead to challenges like username hijacking and impersonation. To tackle this, WhatsApp reportedly plans to roll out verification and security measures alongside the new system.

The app, said to be still in development, the username feature could redefine how over two billion users communicate on WhatsApp, shifting the focus from numbers to names.

At the moment, WhatsApp’s system is simple. You sign up with your number, and that number becomes your identity. If someone wants to chat with you, they need your digits. When you join a group, your number is automatically visible to everyone else in that group.

Photo: LLB

90% of Nigerian men cannot take their wives to the ‘promised land’ ―Nigerian woman says

No photo description available.
Nigerian woman, Buithat Hudu, has said that 90% of Nigerian men can’t take their wives to the ‘promised land’.
It is assumed by this platform that readers here will understand the meaning of what is being referred to as the ‘promised land’ by the pretty lady.
“90% of Nigerian men can not take their wives to the promise land. You no Sabi, you no go calm down learn,” she wrote in a Facebook post on Friday.
See the post below:
90% of Nigerian men cannot take their wives to the

A single mother’s story (II), By Chukwuneta Oby

Chukwuneta Oby (@NetaOC) | Twitter

This was a message that a lady sent to me:

“I was teaching when I became involved with a lecturer in his 50s. He is widowed, with a son.

From the way he treated me, I felt that all I needed to do was say ‘yes’ any day I wanted our marriage to hold, and it would happen. He called me ‘Love’.

Well, I became pregnant, and he practically turned his back on me. He made himself so unavailable that I decided to respect myself and terminate the pregnancy.

However, a midnight cry on my mother’s shoulders changed everything.

Opening up to my mother about my reality was the best decision I ever made. I was ashamed to do so initially because we had become so fond of the man and had actually started discussing my marriage to him.

He is that kind of person who, once he is in your life, charms everybody around you with his sweetness.

The decision to terminate the pregnancy was giving me sleepless nights until I broke down one midnight and cried.

For goodness’ sake, I was almost 40 years old and thought that I had finally found true love!

My teaching job (and all the home lessons I did for students) was not even fetching me up to N90,000 per month.

How would I support a child with that meagre sum?

Does my widowed mother deserve such a burden from me at a time when I should be giving her?

Everything became too much for me, and I started sobbing. I didn’t know that my mother was also not sleeping whenever I stayed awake to think about my life.

When my mother came to sit with me, it was the first time she addressed the pregnancy issue.

She told me to stop contacting him.

My mother also forbade me to terminate the pregnancy and said to me, ‘When a child is born, the means to take care of it will come.’

I continued to work, although it was very embarrassing because colleagues who knew how smitten the man was with me couldn’t believe he was yet to take me to the altar.

I stopped working only when I had my child, a baby girl.

In the months when I had no source of income, my mother supported me and the baby fully from the proceeds of her groundnut business.

All I did was nurse my baby and spend time on the internet.

Maybe I was very lonely and unconsciously looking for love again, because I met a couple of men online, but most of them stopped communicating with me immediately after I told them I had just had a child.

One in particular, he told me that he was a widower, lived abroad, and was 71 years old; he maintained contact.

He offered to support me with N50,000 every month. But the problem with that man was his insatiable appetite for video sex. Even when I was breastfeeding my child, he wanted me to play with my breasts.

When my baby was six months old, I asked my employer if I could come back to work, and she said, ‘Work is not running. Sit back and nurse your child.’ I obeyed her.

Three months later, I called again to ask if I could resume work, and that was when she told me that someone else had replaced me.

One day, I decided that I didn’t want to keep showing a stranger my body on video just to meet my basic needs.

I paid a visit to a nearby bakery. I told the owner my story and begged her to give me a job, any job at all.

Before I finished my story, the woman was crying.

She told me to start work after the weekend and that I should always come with my child.

By the time I got to work on the first day, a cot had been set up in a corner of the backyard for my baby.

There was also a playpen!

She told me that she was just happy to finally find some use for the baby items in her store.

She paid other workers at the end of every month, but she paid me every weekend so that I could comfortably take care of my child’s needs.

I am now managing the bakery fully.

My madam told me that she would have closed down the business and travelled to be with her children and grandchildren abroad, but since I am running the business well, we will continue.

I finally have the chance to take good care of my wonderful mother.

What my madam has done for me, I pray I will be able to do for someone someday.”

Credit: Chukwuneta Oby

Singer Banky W, his wife Adesua release family pose to mark their second son’s birthday (Photo)

Banky W and Adesua release lovely family photo as their second son, Hezekiah turns one today

Nigerian star singer, actor, celebrity, motivational speaker, and politician, Bankole Wellington, popularly known as Banky W and his wife, Nigerian actress, and producer, Adesua Wellington have released lovely family photo as their second son, Hezekiah, turns one on Saturday October 11.

Posting the family photo on their Instagram pages, the couple wrote:

“We can’t believe today is your first birthday, Zekiah

We are all DEEPLY in love with you

Our strong willed baby

Our sunshine

Our bundle of joy with a PhD in facial expressions

 

You are evidence of God’s faithfulness. He is indeed a promise keeper

You are so beautiful and you have brought so much more joy and laughter into our home

 

You are proof that God still answers prayers… but also steals your sleep.

Proof that one can rule the house with maximum authority and two teeth.

 

How did we get so blessed?

How is this beautiful life ours?

How are these beautiful boys ours?

Hezekiah Oluwadarasimi, just like your name means ‘Yahweh strengthens’ and “God is good to me”, we declare over your life that Yahweh will always strengthen you and be good to you. You will be an arrow in his hands. You will shine everywhere you go. Nations will come to your light and Kings to the brightness of your rising.

 

The Lord will shield you, direct you, elevate you all the days of your life. People will see you and want to know the Lord. Your life will be a series of tangible, indisputable evidence that Jesus is alive and God is good.

 

Happy birthday, Kai Kai. Have an amazing life, in Jesus name, Amen.

 

WE LOVE YOU SO MUCH!!!”

See the full photo below:

Banky W and Adesua release lovely family photo as their second son, Hezekiah turns one today

Photo: Banky W, Instagram

Why Tinubu is Afraid of Jonathan’s 2027 Comeback Bid, By Farooq A. Kperogi

Farooq A. Kperogi: Atiku's Interview and Unfair Tinubu Muslim-Muslim Dig - NewsWireNGR

Although former President Goodluck Jonathan hasn’t formally declared his intention to run for president, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appears to be already worked into a frenzy by the mere prospect of it, at least judging from the sensation of fright that drips from the statements of his spokespeople and close supporters.

Bayo Onanuga, Tinubu’s official spokesperson, described the proposal to draft Jonathan into the 2027 race as “delusional.” As if he somehow embodies the Nigerian electorate, Onanuga warned that the Jonathan administration’s record on the economy and governance would constitute an insurmountable obstacle on his path to the presidency.

He also raised questions about Jonathan’s eligibility for a third term and cautioned that those promoting his run may abandon him midstream.

The Lagos State branch of the APC, perhaps the most strategic APC branch in Nigeria at the moment given that Lagos is Tinubu’s home base, has also mocked the idea of Jonathan’s comeback, arguing that he would need “an overdose of good luck” to be competitive. It framed the push for his return as rooted more in nostalgia than in competence and questioned internal democratic practices within the opposition.

I told a reporter who interviewed me a few days ago that the apparent panic in the Tinubu power circles over Jonathan’s rumored entry into the presidential race is puzzling to me for at least two reasons.

One, at the moment, Jonathan has no political base. The PDP on whose platform he is likely to run (should he decide to run) is vastly enervated and riven by what seems like irresolvable dissension.  The Southeast, which used to be a solid, reliable support base for him, is now seduced by the charm and promise of its own son, Peter Obi.

Without a strong grassroots structure, a solid party platform, or the support of governors, a Jonathan comeback bid would be a damp squib. If anything, the presidency’s statement inflates his relevance more than his actual political strength warrants.

Second, if I were in Tinubu’s inner circles, I would actually encourage, even slyly sponsor, Jonathan’s participation in the 2027 election since he appeals to the same demographic slice as former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi. His participation in the 2027 election, along with Atiku and Obi, would ensure that the opposition self-cannibalizes, just as it did in 2023.

If Jonathan isn’t a real threat, if Jonathan would, in fact, be a boon to Tinubu, why does Tinubu seem terrified at the prospect of a Jonathan comeback bid? Here’s what I think.

When Onanuga pointed to Jonathan’s abysmal record on the economy and governance as a reason the electorate would not want him back in the saddle, he unintentionally gave vent to deep-seated but unacknowledged anxieties about Tinubu’s own record. Despite different contexts, Jonathan and Tinubu converge on their style of governance and economic policies.

Tinubu is pursuing the exact same economic policies that Jonathan attempted, which he was compelled to roll back after Tinubu and several people who later constituted the APC joined forces with ordinary Nigerians to fight back.

As most people can recall, Jonathan’s New Year “gift” to Nigerians in 2012 was an attempted full petrol-subsidy removal. After mass protests, he was forced to implement a partial price rollback, but he paired the watered-down version of the subsidy-removal policy with SURE-P to cushion its effect on “vulnerable” households and to fund social/infrastructure projects.

On Inauguration Day on May 29, 2023, Tinubu also announced the end of petrol subsidy. But thanks to the success Muhammadu Buhari had achieved in taming any consequential, sustained opposition to unpopular government policies (and, of course, the integration of several careerist protesters into the government), Tinubu’s announcement didn’t attract any mass protests. Nigerians have learned to accept their piecemeal incineration with equanimity.

But like Jonathan’s SURE-P claimed it did, Tinubu restarted cash transfers to millions of “vulnerable” households as “palliatives,” although most Nigerians I have read and spoken with haven’t had the luck to benefit from these palliatives.

The very economic policies Onanuga invokes as a major reason why Nigerians will resist Jonathan’s return to the presidency are the policies the Tinubu regime not only defends but celebrates as an unprecedented, all-time high achievement which, though biting and bitter, they insist will birth an El Dorado at an indefinite future.

And this is where Lagos APC’s reference to nostalgia for Jonathan is important. At the core of their consciousness, Tinubu’s honchos know that Tinubu and Jonathan are basically indistinguishable in their policies and philosophy of governance, with Tinubu only being luckier than Jonathan in the quality and virility of the opposition that confronts him.

This kind of rhetorical inversion draws on a well-documented psychological mechanism known as projection. In projection, individuals or groups unconsciously attribute their own flaws, motives, or behaviors to others as a way of deflecting scrutiny and avoiding accountability.

When accused of what they are themselves guilty of, they attempt to confuse the moral ledger by shifting attention outward, creating a smokescreen that redirects blame. Politically, this tactic is especially potent: it muddies the waters, preempts criticism, and rallies supporters around a narrative that appears to expose an opponent’s failings, when in reality it is a mirror image of their own.

In this case, APC operatives attack Jonathan’s economic record not only to tarnish him but also to mask the uncomfortable resemblance between his policies and those Tinubu now implements.

And nostalgia can be a powerful winning tool in elections. Donald Trump benefited from it. The American electorate remembered that prices of eggs were lower when he was president, not minding that the lower prices had nothing to do with him. In fact, the prices have tripled since his return.

In Malawi, 85-year-old former President Peter Mutharika defeated incumbent Lazarus Chakwera in the 2025 presidential election partly because of nostalgic feelings about his time in office and hopes that he can recreate that time in place of the hell Malawians are going through now, although as Boniface Dulani, an associate professor of political science at the University of Malawi, told the Guardian, “If there was an election that one would want to lose, then maybe this was one election to lose for Chakwera, because I don’t really think they are going to be able to turn things around.”

In my August 16, 2025, column titled, “Jonathan’s Entry Would Radically Shake the 2027 Election,” I conceded that “there are some genuinely praiseworthy things Jonathan did when he was in power, which many of his critics, including me, acknowledge only with the benefit of hindsight. For instance, his willingness to back down from unpopular policies after sustained outcries and protests, which we took for granted but which none of his successors has replicated, has stood him out.”

That is precisely why Tinubu’s people may be deeply unsettled by the prospect of Jonathan’s return. In the midst of the economic torment Nigerians are enduring, the memory of Jonathan’s era, however imperfect, can take on a golden hue.

The danger for Tinubu is not that Jonathan has a magic formula to solve Nigeria’s crises, but that Nigerians, weary of hardship, may cling to the relative stability, tolerance for dissent, and responsive governance they now retrospectively associate with Jonathan’s presidency.

Even if Jonathan cannot turn things around, nostalgia doesn’t need to be rational to be politically potent; it only needs to resonate emotionally with a suffering electorate. This latent power of memory is, perhaps, what keeps Tinubu’s camp on edge, particularly in the unlikely event that Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi decide to forgo their ambitions and unite behind him.

Tinubu’s fear of Jonathan says less about Jonathan’s actual political strength and more about the fragile legitimacy of Tinubu’s own policies. When a government mirrors the past it once condemned, it risks empowering nostalgia as a political force. And in a country battered by hardship, memory can be as decisive at the ballot box as manifestos.

Credit: Farooq A. Kperogi Ph.D

Men who are women pleasers don’t end well ―Nigerian lady says

No photo description available.
Nigerian woman, Evelyn Nneka Obasi, has gone to her Facebook wall to state that a man won’t end well if he cares too much about a woman’s feelings.
“A man who cares too much about how a woman feels is not a man who can lead. Men who are women pleasers don’t end well,” she wrote in a Facebook post on Friday.
A man who cares too much about how a woman feels is not a man who can lead - Nigerian lady says
Photos: Evelyn Nneka Obasi, Facebook

 

Iyaloja-General: Another Tinubu searches for relevance, By Abimbola Adelakun

First, let us get rid of the worthless argument that fallaciously equates the case of the self-appointed “Eze of Lagos” with the ambitions of Folasade Tinubu-Ojo, the woman who parades herself as the Iyaloja-General of Nigeria because she happens to be the daughter of the President. Pitching one against the other to make a case against the imposition of alien traditions on another culture is a rhetorical strategy called “false equivalence” because it is as clear as night is different from day that one is an internally empty position, while the other will be backed by the force of federal power. The Eze of Lagos will have no salary, no official recognition, and no subjects except perhaps for a few folks who consider him a ceremonial head and nothing more. I have attended Nigerian parties in the USA where they introduce the “Eze Ndigbo” of one US city or the other. No oyinbo goes around fretting over such because they know it is a self-designation that has no serious political meaning. Even in Lagos, the farthest the Eze Ndigbo can go is attending parties, settling disputes, and probably earning money from folks by performing simple tasks for them.

The Iyaloloja-General, on the other hand, can write an “official” letter to an Oba in her capacity as “the first daughter of Nigeria” to introduce her local iyaloloja appointee to them. Unlike the “Eze Ndigbo”, she can walk into their palaces in her capacity as the scion of the President and be granted an audience. Even when the Oba appropriately schools her on how their histories and cultures make the “iyaloja” title alien to them, she could still go ahead and impose her candidate in defiance of their traditions. Given how our politicians grovel before federal power, it is only a matter of time before her “iyaloja” is fully recognised. So, there is a practical difference between what one can achieve with the title and what the other cannot. One is a mere pretender to social relevance, while the other is backed by real political power.

On several levels, Tinubu-Ojo’s “iyaloja” title is a bastardisation of a title that used to mean something among the Yorubas. To be an “iyaloja” is an honour given to enterprising women, the breed who have demonstrated remarkable acumen and resourcefulness in trade and business management. They are usually women who, to varying degrees, forged new paths in their economic endeavours and lifted their community. In the case of the late Abibatu Mogaji, the adopted mother of Bola Tinubu, who bore the title, everyone knew her to be a businesswoman with a verifiable record of achievement in enterprise. When Mogaji died, Tinubu-Ojo—in connivance with traditional rulers who are ever seeking to please her father, who holds their destinies in his pocket—usurped the position. And that was how the title went from Mogaji, an actual tradeswoman, to someone who has likely never taken a path not already guaranteed to her father in her life.

From the “iyaloja”, an honour given to distinguished women who have made a significant contribution to humanity, it became an empty title that can be conferred on any pretender as long as they have some political influence. Tinubu-Ojo did not even stop at the “iyaloja-general” of Lagos, where her father has held sway for decades. As daddy’s political territory expanded, she also edited her title to cover a broader jurisdiction. Now, she has summoned enough temerity to go to Edo to impose an alien Yoruba culture on them. Tomorrow, she will probably head for Kano or Enugu to continue her agenda of Yoruba colonisation. I can assure you that by the time Tinubu-Ojo is done with the “iyaloja” title, it will either need redemption or will have become so problematic that it will be another aspect of Yoruba culture that needs to be consigned to the dustbin of cultural history.  That is how traditions meant to promote meritocracy gradually die when hijacked by the clowns.

The Osaro Idah, whom the Oba of Benin asked to educate Tinubu-Ojo during her visit to the palace, made a critical point when he stated that the “iyaloja” title was unknown to them. He pointed out that what they have in their culture is the “iyeki”, who similarly functions as the “mother of the market”, although she also has spiritual duties. There is no “iyeki-general” because each constituent selects its own leader and takes her to the palace to be confirmed by the Oba. He said, “Iyeki is particular to each market. No one has the right to control the other in another market. The “iyeki” in Oba Market has no role to play in Ogiso Market.” But this is also how Yorubas typically choose their iyaloja until hustler-obas subverted tradition. Ideally, there should not be an “iyaloja-general” position because the role of iyalojas does not warrant an overall superintendent.

That was until Tinubu-Ojo was appointed one in contradiction to the spirit of the position. The bogusness of the title itself is very much reflective of its vacuousness and the pretence of the bearer (and even the conferrer). “Iyaloja-general” very much reminds me of Ola Rotimi’s character in Our Husband has Gone Mad Again, who said being an “attorney-general” is preferable to a “chief justice” since “any village chief can do justice.”

The title of “iyaloja” was intended to be organic and independent, each market selecting from among themselves anyone they saw fit to lead them. The traditional societies that created that title thought it must be democratic like that for the role to be meaningful. What we have instead in the “iyaloja-general” is a grotesque manipulation that over-centralises the role of the iyaloja and robs the local market women of the initiative to select their own worthy representatives. This artificial creation has now assumed the role of a kingmaker, waltzing into palaces and thrusting an alien tradition with the soft-hard power of the “first daughter”. Even worse damage is how the title of “iyaloja”, which should promote enterprising women who have distinguished themselves in the world of business, now pushes forward charlatans and impostors who have probably never tried to understand market functions. By now, you would have noticed that Josephine Ibhaguezejele, whom Tinubu-Ojo introduced in the palace as the head of market women in Edo State, is frequently described as a “pastor”, placing religious profession over professional accomplishments. There is virtually little or nothing said about her experience as an actual market woman that qualifies her to be in that position. That shows how the title of “iyaloja” is losing organic connection to the market from where it purportedly derives its meaning.

It is also ironic that Tinubu-Ojo’s president father is one of those who has spent years canvassing for a more decentralised government. Today, they are in power and suddenly executing an agenda of power centralisation that runs every pipe in the social sphere straight into their gluttonous pockets. We, of course, know that he will not be restraining her. She is not only an adult daughter who can defy her aged father, but theirs is also a polygamous family where the interloping “first daughter” and “first son” are also keeping space for their respective mothers, who were not lucky enough to be occupying the “first ladyship.” Besides, Tinubu-Ojo can always pass this whole charade off as her contribution to building the Tinubu political dynasty, efforts that will pay off immediately as political mobilisation means in 2027.

Credit: Abimbola Adelakun

Nigerian man, Lekan Akinsoji convicted of murder in UK

Nigerian drill rapper, Lekan Akinsoji, a resident of Forest Gate, East London, has been found guilty of the 2017 murder of a 21-year-old rival, Ahmed Deen-Jah.

According to Impartial Reporter, Akinsoji and his accomplice, Sundjata Keita, were convicted at the Old Bailey on Thursday.

Two of them, aged 27, are facing life imprisonment for fatally stabbing Deen-Jah while wearing balaclavas.

Akinsoji reportedly appeared in a music video titled Armed and Ready, ten days before the killing, boasting about evading arrest and saying, “No face, no case, no evvy (evidence).”

In testimony, the court heard that Deen-Jah was attacked after buying a lighter from an off-licence near Custom House Station on April 2, 2017.

Two men dressed in all-black clothing, ski masks and gloves allegedly exited a stolen black Mercedes and chased him into a store, BJ Wines.

During a struggle, he was stabbed in the heart before the attackers fled.

Prosecutors alleged that Akinsoji was the stabber, while Keita acted as the second assailant. Both were reportedly captured on CCTV.

Sadly, Deen-Jah was pronounced dead at the scene, just 130 metres from his home.

Prosecutor Anthony Orchard KC told jurors, “This killing was not a spontaneous act of violence, but an attack planned against a background of street violence between two East London gangs.”

He added that the pair had been on a “ride-out”, a mission to invade rival territory in search of enemies to attack.

Deen-Jah was identified as a member of the Custom House gang, while Akinsoji admitted affiliation with the Woodgrange gang. Keita, however, denied any gang association.

The jury found both him and his co-defendant guilty of murder by a majority verdict of 10 to 2.

They were remanded in custody by Judge Anthony Leonard KC, pending sentencing on October 24.

APC disqualifies Kayode Ojo from Ekiti governorship primary

APC accuses DSS of crass partisanship, calls spokesperson unfit for her office - Daily Post Nigeria

Ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), has disqualified prominent governorship aspirant, Engr. Kayode Ojo, from its forthcoming primary election in Ekiti State, in a move party insiders say reshapes the contest in favour of the incumbent governor, Abiodun Oyebanji.

The decision, taken at Thursday’s meeting of the APC National Working Committee (NWC), followed the report of the screening panel set up to vet aspirants for the race.

According to Vanguard, Ojo’s disqualification comes just weeks after another aspirant, Olajumoke Olawuni, was dropped from the contest.

Drastically narrowing the field now, only Governor Oyebanji and Omolayo Oluremi have been cleared to participate in the primary.

Ojo, a businessman and long-time political player in Ekiti, has often been at odds with the APC establishment, having previously challenged party structures in the state and even contested for governor in 2018 under the APC banner.

“This is more about party stability than technical screening issues,” one party source confided, suggesting that the national leadership wanted to avoid a repeat of past factional crises that had cost the APC dearly in Ekiti politics.

The 175 beneficiaries of Tinubu’s pardons (Full list)

Nigeria@64: Tinubu's Independence anniversary speech
A few days ago, President Bola Tinubu granted presidential pardon and clemency to 175 persons, including late environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa, nationalist Herbert Macaulay, Major General Mamman Vatsa, and Maryam Sanda, who was sentenced to death for killing her husband.
As shown in a statement released by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, on Saturday, the decision followed recommendations by the Presidential Advisory Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy, chaired by the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi SAN.
The list, released on Saturday, is divided into six parts: pardoned, posthumous pardon (including the Ogoni Nine), victims of the Ogoni Nine honoured, presidential clemency (clemency beneficiaries), list of inmates recommended for reduced term of imprisonment, and list of inmates on death row reduced to life imprisonment.
Below is the full list of beneficiaries as contained in the statement:

Pardoned

  1. Nweke Francis Chibueze, aged 44, serving a life sentence at Kirikiri for cocaine
  2. Dr Nwogu Peters, aged 67; serving a 17-year jail term for fraud. Sentenced in 2013
  3. Mrs Anastasia Daniel Nwaoba, aged 63. Already served a sentence for fraud
  4. Barr. Hussaini Alhaji Umar, aged 58. Sentenced in 2023 to pay a fine of N150M in the ICPC case
  5. Ayinla Saadu Alanamu, age 63, was sentenced to seven years for bribery in 2019 and has served the sentence
  6. Hon. Farouk M. Lawan, aged 62. Sentenced to five years in 2021 for Corrupt Practices and had served the sentence

Posthumous pardon

  1. Sir Herbert Macaulay — banned from public office for misappropriation of funds and sentenced in 1913 by the British colonialists
  2. Major-General Mamman Jiya Vatsa, age 46 — sentenced in 1986 for treason (alleged coup plot)

Posthumous pardon: The Ogoni nine

  1. Ken Saro Wiwa — sentenced for murder
  2. Saturday Dobee — sentenced for murder
  3. Nordu Eawa — sentenced for murder
  4. Daniel Gbooko — sentenced for murder
  5. Paul Levera — sentenced for murder
  6. Felix Nuate — sentenced for murder
  7. Baribor Bera — sentenced for murder
  8. Barinem Kiobel — sentenced for murder
  9. John Kpuine — sentenced for murder

Victims of Ogoni Nine honoured

  • Chief Albert Badey
  • Chief Edward Kobaru
  • Chief Samuel Orage
  • Chief Theophilus Orage

Presidential clemency

  1. Aluagwu Lawrence, aged 47, sentenced for Indian hemp (selling), 2015
  2. Ben Friday, aged 60, was sentenced to 3 years or N1.3 million fine for marijuana in 2023
  3. Oroke Micheal Chibueze, aged 21, sentenced to 5 years (cannabis sativa) in 2023
  4. Kelvin Christopher Smith, aged 42, was sentenced to 4 years for importing cocaine in 2023
  5. Azubuike Jeremiah Emeka, aged 31, sentenced in 2021 to 5 years or N3 million fine for importing cocaine
  6. Akinrinnade Akinwande Adebiyi, aged 47, sentenced in 2023 to 3 years for dealing in Tramadol
  7. Ahmed Adeyemo, aged 38, sentenced to 15 years for cannabis. Already served nine years, 5 months at Kirikiri
  8. Adeniyi Jimoh, aged 31 years, sentenced to 15 years for Drugs in 2015 and served nine years at Kirikiri
  9. Seun Omirinde, aged 39, sentenced to 15 years for Drugs in 2015. Served nine years at Kirikiri
  10. Adesanya Olufemi Paul, aged 61, sentenced to 14 years for theft. Had served eight years
  11. Ife Yusuf, aged 37, was sentenced for human trafficking in 2019. Had served six years at Kirikiri
  12. Daniel Bodunwa, aged 43, was sentenced in 2018 to 10 years for fraudulent intent to forge a land receipt. Had served six years in jail
  13. Fidelis Michael, aged 40, sentenced to 5 years for cannabis sativa
  14. Suru Akande, aged 52, sentenced to 5 years for cannabis sativa
  15. Safiyanu Umar, aged 56, sentenced to 5 years without the option of a fine for possessing 5 kg of cannabis sativa, 2023
  16. Dahiru Abdullahi, aged 46, was sentenced in 2016 to 21 years for possession of 3 pistols and had spent 10 years in jail
  17. Hamza Abubakar, aged 37, sentenced to 5 years for Indian hemp (selling), 2022
  18. Rabiu Alhassan Dawaki, aged 52, sentenced in 2020 to 7 years for criminal breach of trust
  19. Mujibu Muhammad, aged 30, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years, no option for a fine for cannabis
  20. Emmanuel Eze, aged 49, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for heroin
  21. Bala Azika Yahaya, aged 70, sentenced in 2017 to 15 years for cannabis
  22. Lina Kusum Wilson, aged 34, sentenced to death in 2017 for culpable homicide, had spent eight years in jail
  23. Buhari Sani, aged 33, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for possession of 558 grams of cannabis
  24. Mohammed Musa, aged 27, was sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for possession of 16 grams of cannabis
  25. Muharazu Abubakar, aged 37, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for selling Indian hemp. Already spent 3 years in Katsina Prison
  26. Ibrahim Yusuf, aged 34; jailed 5 years in 2022 for possession of 5.7 grams of Indian hemp
  27. Saad Ahmed Madaki, aged 72; sentenced in 2020 for a 419 offence. Had served 4 years in Kaduna prison
  28. Ex-Corporal Michael Bawa, aged 72: sentenced to life imprisonment for murder in 2005. Had spent 20 years in Kaduna prison
  29. Richard Ayuba, aged 38. Sentenced to 5 years in 2022 for Indian hemp
  30. Adam Abubakar, aged 30 and sentenced in 2022 to five years for possession of 2 kg of tramadol
  31. Emmanuel Yusuf, aged 34; sentenced in 2022 to 4 years for possession of 2 kg of tramadol
  32. Edwin Nnazor, aged 60; sentenced in 2018 to 15 years for cannabis. Had spent 6 years, nine months at Zamfara prison
  33. Chinedu Stanley, aged 34. Sentenced in 2023 to three years for fake lubricant oil
  34. Joseph Nwanoka, aged 42: sentenced in 2022 to five years for drugs
  35. Johnny Ntheru, aged 63, sentenced in 1989 to life imprisonment for robbery. Had spent 36 years in Umuahia Prison
  36. John Omotiye, aged 28, sentenced to six years for pipeline vandalism
  37. Nsikat Edet Harry, aged 37, sentenced in 2023 to 5 years for illegal possession of Indian hemp, cocaine & heroin
  38. Jonathan Asuquo, aged 28, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for possession of Indian hemp & other drugs
  39. Prince Samuel Peters, aged 54, sentenced in 2020 to 7 years for obtaining money by false pretence. Had spent 4 years, 3 months in Ikot Ekpene Prison
  40. Babangida Saliu, aged 35, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
  41. Adamu Sanni, aged 39, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
  42. Abdulkarem Salisu, aged 30, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  43. Abdulaziz Lawal, aged 18, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  44. Abdulrahman Babangida, aged 20, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  45. Maharazu Alidu, aged 22, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  46. Zaharadeen Baliue, aged 38, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  47. Babangida Usman, aged 30, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  48. Zayyanu Abdullahi, aged 28, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
  49. Bashir Garuba, aged 20, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
  50. Imam Suleman, aged 25, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
  51. Abbeh Amisu, aged 28, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
  52. Lawani Lurwanu, aged 20, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
  53. Yusuf Alhassan, aged 33, was sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining in 2024
  54. Abdulahi Isah, aged 25, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
  55. Zayanu Bello, aged 35, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  56. Habeeb Suleman, aged 22, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
  57. Jubrin Sahabi, aged 23, was sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  58. Shefiu Umar, aged 28, was sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  59. Seidu Abubakar, age 29, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
  60. Haruna Abubakar, aged 24, was sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  61. Rabiu Seidu, aged 26, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
  62. Macha Kuru, aged 25, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
  63. Zahradeen Aminu, aged 25 years, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
  64. Nazipi Musa, aged 25. Sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining in 2024
  65. Abdullahi Musa, aged 30 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  66. Habibu Safiu, aged 20 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  67. Husseni Sani, aged 21 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  68. Musa Lawali, aged 25 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  69. Suleiman Lawal, aged 23 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  70. Yusuf Iliyasu, aged 21 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  71. Sebiyu Aliyu, aged 20 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  72. Halliru Sani, aged 18 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  73. Shittu Aliyu, aged 30 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  74. Sanusi Aminu, aged 27 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  75. Isiaka Adamu, aged 40 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  76. Mamman Ibrahim, aged 50 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  77. Shuaibu Abdullahi, aged 35 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  78. Sanusi Adamu, aged 28 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  79. Sadi Musa, aged 20 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  80. Haruna Isah, aged 35 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
  81. Abiodun Elemero, aged 43. Sentenced to life imprisonment for cocaine hawking in 2014. Had spent 10 years plus in Kirikiri
  82. Maryam Sanda, aged 37, was sentenced to death in 2020 for culpable homicide and had spent six years, eight months at Suleja Medium Security Custodial Centre

List of inmates recommended for reduced term of imprisonment

  1. Yusuf Owolabi, aged 36. Sentenced to life in 2015 for manslaughter. Had spent 10 years at Kirikiri. Prison term reduced to 12 years
  2. Ifeanyi Eze, aged 33. Sentenced to life in 2021 for manslaughter and had spent four years at Kirikiri. Prison term reduced to 12 years
  3. Malam Ibrahim Sulaiman, aged 59. Sentenced to life in 2022 for armed robbery & possession of illegal firearms. Sentence cut to 10 years
  4. Shettima Maaji Arfo, aged 54. Sentenced in 2021 to seven years for corrupt practices. Sentence reduced to four years, because of good conduct and ill-health
  5. Ajasper Benzeger, aged 69 and sentenced in 2015 to 20 years for culpable homicide. Sentence reduced to 12 years, based on old age and ill-health
  6. Ifenna Kennechukwu, aged 42. Sentenced in 2015 to 20 years for drugs (cocaine import) and had spent close to 10 years in Kirikiri. Prison term reduced to 12 years
  7. Mgbeike Matthew, aged 45. Sentenced to 20 years in 2013 for the import of 3.10 kg. Following remorsefulness and the acquisition of vocational skills at Kirikiri. Sentence reduced to 12 years
  8. Patrick Mensah, aged 40. Sentenced in 2015 to 17 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 11 years
  9. Obi Edwin Chukwu, aged 43 and sentenced in 2017 to 15 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
  10. Tunde Balogun, aged 32 and sentenced in 2015 to 15 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
  11. Lima Pereira Erick Diego, aged 27 and sentenced in 2017 to 15 years or a fine of N20 million for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
  12. Uchegbu Emeka Michael, aged 37. Sentenced in 2017 to 15 years or a fine of N20 million for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
  13. Salawu Adebayo Samsudeen, aged 46 and sentenced in 2016 to 15 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
  14. Napolo Osariemen, aged 61 and sentenced in 2022 to 15 years for 2 kilos of Indian hemp. The sentence was reduced to seven years
  15. Patricia Echoe Igninovia, aged 61 and sentenced in 2023 to seven years for trafficking in persons. Sentence reduced to five years
  16. Odeyemi Omolaram, aged 65 and sentenced in 2017 to 25 years in prison for drugs. Sentence reduced to 12 years based on the defendant’s remorsefulness and advanced age
  17. Vera Daniel Ifork, aged 29 and sentenced in 2020 to 10 years for trafficking in persons. Sentence reduced to eight years
  18. Gabriel Juliet Chidimma, aged 32 and sentenced in 2022 to six years for drug (cocaine). Sentence reduced to four years
  19. Dias Santos Marcia Christiana, aged 44 and sentenced in 2017 to 15 years for import of cocaine. Sentence reduced to 10 years
  20. Alh. Ibrahim Hameed, aged 71 and sentenced in 2023 to seven years for illegal property (obtaining property under false pretence). Sentence reduced to five years
  21. Alh. Nasiru Ogara Adinoyi, 65, was sentenced in 2023 to 14 years for obtaining property by false pretence. Sentence reduced to seven years
  22. Chief Emeka Agbodike, aged 69, was sentenced in 2023 to seven years for obtaining property by false pretence. Sentence reduced to 3 years
  23. Isaac Justina, aged 40. Sentenced in 2022 to 10 years for cannabis sativa and had spent 3 years in the Abeokuta Custodial Centre. Sentence reduced to four years
  24. Aishat Kehinde, aged 38 and sentenced in 2022 to five years for unlawful possession of cannabis. The prison term being served in Abeokuta has been reduced to four years
  25. Helen Solomon, age 68. Sentenced in 2024 to five years for cannabis sativa. Sentence reduced to three years
  26. Okoye Tochukwu, aged 43 and sentenced in 2024 to six years for cannabis sativa. Sentence reduced to 3 years
  27. Ugwueze Paul, aged 38 and sentenced in 2024 to six years for cannabis sativa. Sentence reduced to three years
  28. Mutsapha Ahmed, aged 46 and sentenced in 2022 to seven years without a fine option for criminal breach of trust. The sentence was reduced to five years
  29. Abubakar Mamman, aged 38 and sentenced in 2020 to 10 years in Kebbi Custodial Centre for possession of firearms. Sentence reduced to seven years
  30. Muhammed Bello Musa, aged 35. Sentenced in 2020 to 10 years in Kebbi Custodial Centre for illegal possession of firearms. Sentence reduced to seven years
  31. Nnamdi Anene, aged 67 and sentenced in 2010 to life imprisonment at Katsina Custodial Centre for illegal dealing of arms. Sentence reduced to 20 years
  32. Alh. Abubakar Tanko, aged 61, was sentenced in 2018 to 30 years at the Gusau Custodial Centre for culpable homicide. Sentence reduced to 20 years
  33. Chisom Francis Wisdom, aged 30; sentenced in 2018 to 20 years in Umuahia Custodial Centre for kidnapping. Sentence reduced to 12 years
  34. Innocent Brown Idiong, aged 60, sentenced in 2020 to 10 years for possession of 700 grams of Indian hemp. Has already spent 4 years and 3 months at Ikot Abasi Custodial Centre. Jail term reduced to six years
  35. Iniobong Imaeyen Ntukidem, aged 46, was sentenced 2021 to seven years in jail at the Uyo Custodial Centre. Prison term reduced to five years
  36. Ada Audu, aged 72, was sentenced in 2022 to seven years in Kuje Custodial Centre and had spent 2 years and 7 months in prison. Prison term reduced to 4 years because of old age
  37. Bukar Adamu, aged 40 and sentenced to 20 years in 2019 for advance fee fraud. Prison term reduced to nine years
  38. Kelvin Oniarah Ezigbe, 44, was sentenced in October 2023 to 20 years for kidnapping, which took effect in 2013. The sentence was reduced to 13 years
  39. Frank Azuekor, aged 42. Sentenced in 2023 for kidnapping and jailed in Kuje Custodial Centre for 20 years, and had spent 12 years behind bars from 2013. The sentence was reduced to 13 years
  40. Chukwukelu Sunday Calisthus, aged 47 and sentenced in 2014 to life at Kuje Custodial Centre for drugs. He had spent 11 years at Kuje. Sentence reduced to 13 years
  41. Professor Magaji Garba, aged 67. Sentenced in 2021 to seven years for obtaining money by false pretence and had spent 3 years at Kuje Custodial Centre. The prison term was reduced to four years due to good conduct and advanced age
  42. Markus Yusuf, aged 41. Sentenced in 2023 to 13 years for culpable homicide. Sentence reduced to 5 years based on ill-health
  43. Samson Ajayi, aged 31 and sentenced in 2022 to 15 years for drugs. He had spent five years at Suleja Custodial Centre. The sentence was reduced to seven years
  44. Iyabo Binyoyo, aged 49. Sentenced in 2017 to 10 years for drugs and sentenced to nine years at Suleja Custodial Centre, due to good conduct
  45. Oladele Felix, 49, was sentenced in 2022 to five years without a fine option for conspiracy and exploitation. Based on good conduct and remorsefulness, the sentence was reduced to four years. Felix is serving the term at Suleja
  46. Rakiya Beida, aged 33 and sentenced in 2021 to seven years, without a fine option, for theft and cheating. The sentence, being served at Suleja, was reduced to three years based on good conduct
  47. Nriagu Augustine Ifeanyi, aged 44 and sentenced in 2018 to 10 years in Ikoyi Custodial Centre, for exporting cocaine. The sentence was reduced to eight years
  48. Chukwudi Destiny, aged 36 and sentenced in 2022 to six years in Ikoyi Custodial Centre for heroin import. The sentence was cut to four years
  49. Felix Rotimi Esemokhai, aged 47 and sentenced in 2022 to five years for heroin. The sentence was reduced to four years
  50. Major S.A. Akubo, aged 62, was sentenced in 2009 to life at Katsina Custodial Centre for illegally removing 7,000 assorted weapons. Following good conduct and remorsefulness, the sentence was commuted to 20 years
  51. John Ibiam, aged 39, was sentenced in 2016 to 15 years for manslaughter and served 9 years and one month in the Afikpo Custodial Centre. The sentence was reduced to 10 years after the individual showed remorse and acquired vocational skills
  52. Omoka Aja, aged 40 and sentenced in 2016 to 15 years for manslaughter, served 9 years and 1 month in Afikpo Custodial Centre. The sentence was commuted to 10 years
  53. Chief Jonathan Alatoru, aged 66, was sentenced in 2021 to seven years for conspiracy to cheat. The sentence served in Port Harcourt Custodial Centre has been reduced to five years
  54. Umanah Ekaette Umanah, aged 70 and sentenced in 2022 to 10 years in Port Harcourt Custodial Centre for forgery. Sentence reduced to five years due to old age and remorsefulness
  55. Utom Obong Thomson Udoaka, 60, was sentenced in 2020 to seven years in Ikot Ekpene Custodial Centre for obtaining money by false pretence. He had served four years and two months at Ikot Ekpene. Due to his old age and good conduct, the initial sentence has been reduced to five years
  56. Jude Saka Ebaragha, aged 44. Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years at Ikoyi Prison and a fine of N1 million for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The sentence was commuted to six years, and the N1m fine was waived
  57. Frank Insort Abaka, 46, was sentenced in 2020 to 12 years and a N1M fine at Ikoyi Custodial Centre for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The sentence was reduced to six years, and the fine was waived
  58. Shina Alolo, 42, was sentenced in 2020 to 12 years and a N1M fine at Ikoyi Custodial Centre for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. Like others, the N1m fine was waived, and the sentence was reduced to 6 years
  59. Joshua Iwiki, aged 50: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years at Ikoyi Prison and a fine of N1M for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The N1m fine was waived, and the sentence was commuted to six years in prison
  60. David Akinseye, aged 44: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years & N1M fine for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. His sentence was commuted to 6 years, and the fine was waived
  61. Ahmed Toyin, aged 46: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years & N1M fine for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. Sentence also commuted and fine waived
  62. Shobajo Saheed, age 57: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years and a fine of N1M for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. He got a similar reprieve like the others
  63. Adamole Philip, aged 52 years: Sentenced to 12 years & a N1M fine for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel, 2020. Philip also got his term reduced to seven years and the fine waived
  64. Mathew Masi, aged 39: Also sentenced to 12 years and a fine of N1 million for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The sentence was reduced to six years, and the fine was waived
  65. Bright Agbedeyi, 46, was also sentenced in 2020 for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. Like the others in his category, he got a reprieve

List of inmates on death row reduced to life imprisonment

  1. Emmanuel Baba, aged 38: sentenced to death in 2017 for culpable homicide. On death row in Kuje Custodial Centre for the past 8 years. The sentence was commuted to life imprisonment based on good conduct and remorsefulness
  2. Emmanuel Gladstone, aged 45, was sentenced in 2020 to death for murder and had spent five years at Katsina Custodial Centre. Death sentence commuted to life imprisonment due to good conduct and remorse
  3. Moses Ayodele Olurunfemi, aged 51: sentenced to death in 2012 for culpable homicide and had spent 13 years on death row in Katsina. President Tinubu commuted the death sentence to life imprisonment
  4. Abubakar Usman, aged 59: sentenced to death in 2014 and had spent 14 years on death row in Katsina. His sentence was commuted to life because of his remorse and good conduct
  5. Khalifa Umar, aged 37: sentenced to death in 2014 and had spent 11 years on death row in Kano Custodial Centre. His sentence has been commuted to life imprisonment
  6. Benjamin Ekeze, age 40: sentenced to death in 2017 for armed robbery and conspiracy, and had spent 12 years on death row at Kirikiri, Lagos. The sentence was also commuted to life
  7. Mohammed Umar, aged 43: sentenced to death in 2018 for culpable homicide and had spent seven years on death row in Onitsha Custodial Centre. He got the Presidential reprieve, commuting the death sentence to life imprisonment

Nigeria beats Lesotho 2-1 in world cup qualification

AIT IMAGES 13

Super Eagles of Nigeria scraped a hard-fought 2-1 victory over Lesotho on Friday evening to keep their 2026 FIFA World Cup qualification hopes alive.

It was far from a vintage performance from Eric Chelle’s men in Polokwane, but goals from captain William Troost-Ekong and debutant Akor Adams were enough to secure all three points despite a late scare from the hosts.

Nigeria started the brighter of the two sides, with Victor Osimhen and Ademola Lookman testing the Lesotho defence early on.

Super Eagles dominated possession but struggled to break down a disciplined Crocodiles backline, with Arokodare and Iwobi both coming close in the first half.

Breakthrough finally came in the 54th minute after Mkwanazi handled the ball in the box. Troost-Ekong stepped up in place of Osimhen and calmly slotted home from the spot to put Nigeria ahead.

Akor Adams, a substitute, doubled the advantage in the 80th minute, finishing off a fine move initiated by Osimhen on a counter-attack.

The debutant showed composure to beat his marker and fire low into the bottom corner, seemingly securing victory for the Super Eagles.

But, Lesotho refused to back down. Just three minutes later, Kalake capitalised on a goalkeeping error from Stanley Nwabali, who failed to claim a corner, allowing the midfielder to dink the ball into the net and make it 2-1.

Former UK envoy, Christopher Kolade, dies

Christopher Kolade, 2023 POLLS

Former Nigerian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom and one of Nigeria’s most revered elder statesmen, Dr. Christopher Kolade, has passed away. He died at the age of 92.

His family announced his death in a statement, saying: “We are thankful for his incredible life of faith and service, and are grateful for God’s abundant blessings.”

Born on December 28, 1932, in Erin-Oke, Osun State, Dr. Kolade lived a life defined by integrity, leadership, and excellence across broadcasting, the corporate world, diplomacy, and academia.

A son of an Anglican missionary, he attended Government College, Ibadan (GCI), before proceeding to Fourah Bay College in Freetown, Sierra Leone. His distinguished career earned him honorary doctorates from the University of Sierra Leone (1976) and McPherson University (2016).

Dr. Kolade began his professional journey in broadcasting and rose to become Director-General of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC).

He later joined the corporate sector, where he served as Chief Executive and Chairman of Cadbury Nigeria Plc, earning widespread respect for his ethical leadership.

In view of his reputation for excellence he was appointed as Nigeria’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, a role he discharged with distinction.

After his diplomatic service, Dr. Kolade joined the Lagos Business School (LBS) as a lecturer in Corporate Governance and Human Resource Management, and later taught Leadership and Conflict Management at the School of Media and Communication, Pan-Atlantic University, Lagos, where he also served as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council.

Beyond academia, he held leadership positions in professional bodies such as the Nigerian Institute of Management, Institute of Personnel Management of Nigeria, International Institute for Communications, and the World Association for Christian Communication.

12 suspects arrested over the death of Arise News anchor, Somtochukwu Maduagwu

Arise TV correspodent, Sommie

Officers of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Police Command, Abuja, have arrested 12 suspected armed robbers responsible for the robbery leading to the death of Arise News anchor, Somtochukwu Christella Maduagwu, and a security guard, Barnabas Danlami, at Unique Apartments, Gishiri Village, Katampe District, Abuja.

The arrest came after a directive from the FCT Commissioner of Police to identify and apprehend those behind the tragic incident, which occurred on September 29, at about 3:30 a.m.

The command said in a statement on Wednesday, that operatives of the Scorpion Squad, led by ACP Victor Godfrey, acting on actionable digital and reconstructive intelligence provided by Giga Forensics, a subsidiary of EIB STRATOC, successfully tracked down and arrested the 12 suspects across multiple locations.

The suspects were identified as: Shamsudeen Hassan (Malumfashi LGA, Katsina State); Hassan Isah, 22 (Zaria, Kaduna State); Abubakar Alkamu a.k.a. Abba, 27 (Musawa LGA, Katsina State); Sani Sirajo a.k.a. Dan Borume, 20 (Malumfashi LGA, Katsina State); Mashkur Jamilu a.k.a. Abba, 28 (Igabi LGA, Kaduna State); Suleiman Badamasi a.k.a. Dan-Sule, 21 (Malumfashi LGA, Katsina State); Abdul Salam Saleh a.k.a. Na-Durudu (Katsina LGA, Katsina State); Zaharadeen Muhammad a.k.a. Gwaska, 23 (Chikun LGA, Kaduna State); Musa Adamu a.k.a. Musa Hassan, 30 (Malumfashi LGA, Katsina State); Sumayya Mohammed a.k.a. Baby, 27 (Sammaka LGA, Kaduna State); Isah Abdulrahman a.k.a. Abbati, 25 (Zaria LGA, Kaduna State); Musa Umar a.k.a. Small, 31 (Maiduguri LGA, Borno State).

As stated by the police, four of the suspects, Shamsudeen Hassan, Abubakar Alkamu, Sani Sirajo, and another, were first arrested after the victims’ mobile phones were tracked to them.

During interrogation, Hassan confessed to shooting the security guard, Danlami, when he attempted to stop the robbers from entering the apartment.
Sirajo, on his part, admitted trying to prevent Ms. Maduagwu from falling off the three-storey building but said he was “overwhelmed by her weight.”

Investigators said the suspects also confessed to selling some of the stolen property and sharing the proceeds, with each reportedly receiving ₦200,000.

Parade of ‘Oluwole’ Certificates, By Olusegun Adeniyi

Presenting fake credentials to get elected for executive/legislative offices or secure appointments for which they are not qualified is not new in Nigeria. And the last 26 years of civil rule has only exacerbated it. Aided by the absence of a reliable database in a society where people make claims that are hardly checked, it has long been established that many of the university degrees being paraded by too many top public officials were obtained from touts at the notorious ‘Oluwole’ in Lagos. But under a new regime that commenced on Monday (6 October 2025), no federal appointment will be confirmed without a National Credential Verification Service (NCVS) clearance certifying the authenticity of academic documents.

According to a recent circular from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, the directive was approved in February this year by the Federal Executive Council (FEC). The Nigeria Education Repository and Databank (NERD), a centralised digital platform created to store, manage, preserve, and verify educational records, publications, and credentials from all tiers of the system will provide oversight. “NERD will issue guidance and regulations in consultation with the National Universities Commission (NUC), the National Board for Technical Education (NBTE) and the National Council for Colleges of Education (NCCE),” the circular added. The clearance of any certificate will generate a National Credential Number (NCN) and unique security codes linked to the verified document for record-keeping.

This is a commendable policy that should extend beyond the federal government to all tiers across the country and even the private sector if we are to end this emblem of shame. Of course, the announcement on Tuesday of “the resignation of Geoffrey Uche Nnaji, Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation, following some allegations against him,” had nothing to do with NERD or the new circular. But the development has brought the policy into sharp focus. Nnaji had claimed to be a graduate of the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN) but the vice chancellor, Prof Simon Ortuanya, told Premium Times that the institution “did not and could not have issued” the certificate Nnaji presented to the Senate for his confirmation hearing. His National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) discharge certificate was also confirmed to be dodgy. This scandal raises serious questions about the integrity of the so-called security screening always conducted by the State Security Service (SSS) with much noise and drama before such appointments are announced or confirmed.

However, while Nnaji may have lost his job for breaking the ‘eleventh commandment’ (Thou Shall Not Get Caught), he is just one among many people in our public space whose academic credentials are dubious. Last year, a monarch-elect in Ekiti State was ordered to be detained by a Federal High Court for forging a University of Ibadan and NYSC discharge certificates, both of which he had earlier used to secure a job at the University Teaching Hospital, Ado-Ekiti. An acting director-general at the Federal Institute of Industrial Research Oshodi (FIIRO) was found to have secured his position with a forged PhD certificate. To compound the challenge, the revelation from a recent case in London over the property of a deceased retired army General indicates that many of our data collection centres have been compromised. And until these criminal syndicates are dismantled, NERD may just be validating fraud.

In October 2023, following discrepancies found on the list of graduates forwarded to the NYSC headquarters, authorities at the University of Calabar admitted that some of the “certificates purportedly from our university are fake.” At the end of their internal process, no fewer than 178 fake graduates were believed to have obtained UNN degree certificates. One of those ‘graduates’ turned out to be a bread seller! Although the university’s Data Entry Officer, Obi Endurance, was reportedly arrested, there is nothing to suggest that he (or anybody else for that matter) has been held accountable for the crime. If that can happen in a respected federal university, one can only imagine the situation in many of the ramshackle private universities that populate the country.

As I wrote in the aftermath of the UNN scandal, our most sacrosanct institutions have been invaded by a national culture of fraud. In religion, charlatans have crowned themselves Pastors, Bishops, Imams, General Overseers etc. In the hospitals, patients are at the mercy of fake doctors and pharmacists whose prescriptions are often fatal. In the construction industry, quacks have taken over, causing buildings to collapse after mere drizzle. In academia, there is an epidemic of ‘professors’ who disseminate ignorance to unsuspecting students. But, as I also argued, the wellspring seems to be the political realm.

In a moral no-man’s-land with neither standards nor measures, the present world of universal fraud for which our country is becoming increasingly notorious appears logical. Apart from electing certified crooks into critical public offices, the appointment of those who parade ‘Oluwole’ certificates has also become the order of the day. That nobody is sure of the genuineness of certificates being paraded by public office holders in our country is already becoming a problem for honest Nigerians at home and abroad. We are all tarred with the same brush due to the antics of a few unscrupulous individuals and their collaborators within the system. And we cannot continue like this.

In a status obsessed society where people with zero net worth (and questionable means of livelihood) go by the prefix ‘Billionaire this and that’ and every semi-literate politician is now a ‘Dr somebody’, it is no surprise that many forge certificates. But these are mere symptoms of the crisis of values that bedevil our country today. And to the extent that development cannot happen in a society where forging academic credentials becomes the norm, we must change this sordid narrative in Nigeria, as we wait to see the effects of NERD.

Photographs, Memories and Regrets

‘Use a picture. It’s worth a thousand words.’ That immortal admonition by Arthur Brisbane, a 20th century Australian newspaper editor in 1911, is one of my favourite quotes. But to the extent that you can only use what you have, it is obvious I don’t always keep my own counsel. That much became evident when, a few weeks ago, the children of the late Chief Cornelius Olatunji Adebayo asked that I send them photographs that me and immediate family members took with their father who was my guardian for more than four decades. The only photograph I could immediately find was the one my son, Korede, sent in June when the death was announced. It was taken four years ago at the 80th birthday of the deceased and only he, Korede and my wife were in the photograph. Though I was also at the family get-together!

Even if we discount the early years in Ilorin and Lagos in the late eighties and nineties, this was a man I visited at least once a week in Abuja since I moved here in 2007 (in my adult life) and who also visited me at home a few times. Yet, I couldn’t find a single photograph we took together. The point is that except for compulsory group photographs or requests from other people, I don’t go out of my way to snap pictures. I have been fortunate to travel to several countries where I visited interesting places and was privileged to have met important people. In any of those places or encounters, I never bothered with photographs. Not as editor at THISDAY. And certainly not as presidential spokesman. I don’t even have a single photograph in my mobile phone gallery! I know that sounds queer, but in a moment of reflection a few weeks ago, everything came back.

Right from my university days at Ife, I loved photography and had a camera. So, quite naturally, I had a good collection of photographs. Then, in 1994, after the African Concord magazine (where I was working at the time) was proscribed by the late General Sani Abacha, I left my Abuja base for Lagos, keeping most of my personal effects with a colleague. While in Lagos, I heard that he had an accident on the road to Kubwa and died. By the time I returned to Abuja, his family had come to pack all his personal effects. Including my photo albums! How do you go to the family of a deceased friend to ask for photo albums? In fact, for years, anytime I remembered those albums, I always felt guilty, asking whether they were more important than my friend who died. Without realizing it, I lost interest in photography and taking photographs.

The memory of the lost albums came back when I was searching for any photograph I might have taken with the late Adebayo. And it was during this process that I located where my aversion for photographs came from. Then, I remembered that the deceased was the ‘father of the day’ at the public presentation of my book, ‘Against the Run of Play: How an Incumbent President was Defeated in Nigeria’ in April 2017. In the days preceding the event, Chairman of Caverton Group, Mr Remi Makanjuola had called to ask whether I made provision for a photographer. I told him that many press photographers would be there. He said he would send a professional photographer to cover it for me. And he did. A few weeks later, the photographer sent me two big albums. As I went through the collections three weeks ago, not only were there many photographs of me and the late Adebayo but also with many important dignitaries at the event, some that I didn’t even remember attending. There are also some who were there but have passed away, leaving cherished memories. It shows the significance of photographs.

Meanwhile, the funeral rites of the late Adebayo, who will be buried this Saturday in Kwara State, started in Abuja on Tuesday with a ‘Night of Tributes’. At the event, former Senate President, Dr Bukola Sarakiwho also governed Kwara State for eight yearsand former Chief of Staff to the President, Prof Ibrahim Agboola Gambari paid glowing tributes to the deceased. Important dignitaries who attended included Hon Emeka Ihedioha, Mr Jimi Agbaje, Prof Mojisola Adeyeye, Mr Frank Nweke Jnr, Mr Jani Ibrahim, Mrs Bola Shagaya, Mr Shittu Mohammed, Mr Seyi Tinubu, Mr Seyi Adekunle (Vodi), Mr Adebowale Olujimi (and wife, Gbesoye), as well as Senators Dayo Adeyeye, Dino Melaye, Kareem Sunday and several others. In his word of exhortation, Bishop David Abioye challenged the audience to always ask themselves, “What will I be remembered for?”

I must commend the children and their spousesMrs Bukuonla Ajayi and Dotun, Mrs Bimbola Adewoye and Dayo, Mrs Mosunmola Jegede and Stanley, Mrs Oloruntoyosi Thomas and Deolu as well as Mr Cornelius Oluwasegun Adebayo and Ebunfor organizing such a brilliant event. While some family members and friends left for Ilorin yesterday, the rest of us will join them today as we prepare to bid farewell to a wonderful father, grandfather and mentor.

But back to the main issue here. In recent weeks, I have had to value the thoughtfulness of Mr Makanjuola in providing that photographer who covered the public presentation of my book eight years ago. Otherwise, I wouldn’t have had any photograph to memorialise my association with the late C.O. Adebayo. As I wrote following his passage in June (C.O. Adebayo: A Father, A Mentor – THISDAYLIVE), he and his wife, Elizabeth Funmilayo (now also of blessed memory) played such a critical role in my life that I must properly document in future. But this experience has also taught me a significant lesson: In the hourglass of fleeting time, a photograph not taken at the right moment is a memory of an opportunity lost forever. While there is no way to recapture the past, I have resolved that henceforth, I would begin to take photographs.

Since that has always been a source of friction in my family, my October resolution should be delightful news to my wife and children.

Credit: Olusegun Adeniyi, Thisday

UNILAG, UI ranked the best in Nigeria in 2026 (Full list)

University of Lagos - Wikipedia

Times Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings 2026, released on Thursday, October 9, 2025, indicates that University of Lagos (UNILAG) is sharing the 1st spot in Nigeria along with University of Ibadan (UI) in the 801–1000 range, out of over two thousand, one hundred and ninety one (2,191) institutions across the world.

Covenant University (CU), Ota, Ogun State, and Landmark University (LMU), Omu-Aran, Kwara State, come next in the 1001-1200 range, along with Bayero University, Kano (BUK).

THE rankings also show the strength of individual institutions. UNILAG is ranked highest in quality research, scoring 66.7.

Outside Nigeria, UNILAG is sharing the 801–1000 range with several institutions including: University of Cape Coast, Ghana; Alexandria University, Egypt; Cairo University, Egypt; Ain Shams University, Egypt; Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico among others.

The rankings were meticulously conducted based on carefully calibrated performance indicators that measure an institution’s performance across the following areas:
Teaching
Research Environment
Research Quality
Industry
International outlook

The Vice-Chancellor, Professor Folasade Ogunsola, OON, FAS, appreciates management, staff, students, alumni, friends and other stakeholders of the University for their support and contributions to the achievement of this feat.

Out of 51 Nigerian institutions featured in THE 2026 ranking, only UI and UNILAG fall between 801–1000; BUK, CU, and Landmark University fall between 1001–1200

See the full list below:

  1. University of Lagos (801–1000)
  2. University of Ibadan (801–1000)
  3. Bayero University (1001–1200)
  4. Covenant University (1001–1200)
  5. Landmark University (1001–1200)
  6. Ahmadu Bello University (1201–1500)
  7. Federal University of Technology, Minna (1201–1500)
  8. University of Ilorin (1201–1500)
  9. University of Jos (1201–1500)
  10. University of Nigeria, Nsukka (1201–1500)
  11. Babcock University (1501+)
  12. Delta State University, Abraka (1501+)
  13. Ekiti State University (1501+)
  14. Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta (1501+)
  15. Federal University of Technology, Akure (1501+)
  16. Federal University of Technology, Owerri (1501+)
  17. Federal University Oye-Ekiti (1501+)
  18. Ladoke Akintola University of Technology (1501+)
  19. Lagos State University (1501+)
  20. Nnamdi Azikiwe University (1501+)
  21. Obafemi Awolowo University (1501+)
  22. University of Benin (1501+)
  23. University of Calabar (1501+)
  24. University of Port Harcourt (1501+)
  25. Admiralty University of Nigeria
  26. Akwa Ibom State University
  27. Al-Hikmah University
  28. Augustine University
  29. Bamidele Olumilua University of Education, Science and Technology, Ikere-Ekiti
  30. Bauchi State University, Gadau
  31. Bayelsa Medical University
  32. Baze University
  33. Bells University of Technology
  34. Bowen University
  35. Evangel University, Akaeze
  36. Federal University of Lafia
  37. Federal University of Petroleum Resources, Effurun
  38. Fountain University
  39. Godfrey Okoye University
  40. Igbinedion University Okada
  41. Kaduna State University
  42. Lagos State University of Education
  43. Lagos State University of Science and Technology
  44. Lead City University
  45. Maryam Abacha American University of Nigeria
  46. Nasarawa State University, Keffi
  47. Redeemer’s University
  48. Rivers State University
  49. Thomas Adewumi University
  50. University of Cross River State
  51. University of Delta