Prof. Joash Amupitan appointed as new INEC chairman

KOGI STATE GOVERNMENT CONGRATULATES PROF. JOASH AMUPITAN, SAN, ON HIS  APPOINTMENT AS INEC CHAIRMAN — Kogi State Government

President Bola Tinubu has nominated a renowned legal expert and academic, Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan, SAN, as the new Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), subject to Senate confirmation.

Nigeria’s National Council of State (NCS) unanimously approved Amupitan’s nomination on Thursday, October 9, 2025.

Tinubu’s spokesman, Bayo Onanuga announced the development, stating that the appointment follows the completion of Professor Mahmood Yakubu’s tenure, which began in 2015 and ended in October 2025.

Tinubu described Amupitan as an apolitical figure and noted that he is the first person from Kogi State, in the North-Central region, to be nominated for the position. Kogi State Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo commended Amupitan as “a man of integrity.”

According to Nigerian Constitution, Tinubu will forward Amupitan’s name to Nigerian Senate for screening and confirmation. Amupitan, 58, was born in Ayetoro Gbede in Ijumu Local Government Area of Kogi State. A Professor of Law at the University of Jos, he serves as the institution’s Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Administration) and is Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council at Joseph Ayo Babalola University, Osun State.

A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) since 2014, Amupitan holds LLM (1993) and PhD (2007) degrees from the University of Jos. He began his academic career in 1989 after completing his National Youth Service at the Bauchi State Publishing Corporation. Amupitan has served in several academic leadership roles, including Dean of the Faculty of Law and Chairman of the Committee of Deans and Directors at the University of Jos. He has also held board positions in the private sector and served on national legal education bodies.

An accomplished author, Amupitan has published works on company law, evidence, and corporate governance, including “Corporate Governance: Models and Principles” and “Evidence Law: Theory and Practice in Nigeria.” He is married with four children.

24 Million Reasons to Fear for the Future of Nigeria, By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

Image result for chidi anselm odinkalu photos

When Olusegun Obasanjo took over in 1976 from the slain Murtala Mohammed as Nigeria’s military Head of State, the regime was already committed as a matter of policy to transition power to an elected civilian administration in 1979. This was a big deal, alright, but not one over which he had much say as such. As the military Head of State, General Obasanjo identified two issues to define his personal legacy.

One was food security. To address that, he launched “Operation Feed the Nation”, better known by the acronym (OFN). Those were the same initials of Obasanjo Farms Nigeria, the name of the company under which the General would later pursue his post-retirement vocation in agriculture. The coincidence was not lost on many.

The other issue was education. To pursue this, General Obasanjo launched the Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1976. 40 years later, an independent study determined that the UPE had “a statistically significant impact on schooling attainment of beneficiaries” but there were questions as to its reach and coverage. Quite apart from the usual dysfunctions associated with centrally dictated government programmes, the UPE also faced opposition from traditional and religious leaders in some parts of Nigeria, who reportedly felt “that it is a Christian brainwashing which alienates their children from their own religious beliefs.” Those were also people who largely opposed the education of the girl-child.

The three and a half years of the Obasanjo military regime were too short for such an ambitious programme as the UPE to prove itself. The best he could hope for was that his civilian successors would continue with the idea.

At the launch of the UPE, the country was in the middle of what its rulers believed would be an interminable Oil Boom. In hindsight, the onset of the UPE coincided with the beginning of a bust. The programme became one of the casualties of the rampant corruption and the subsequent austerity that bedevilled the administration of Obasanjo’s chosen successor, President Shehu Shagari.

The military regime that toppled Shehu Shagari four years later paid no heed to basic education. Chronically careening from the twin crises of balance of payments and elite banditry of the Nigerian political class, the system never quite rediscovered the will to invest in basic education as a duty of the Nigerian state. By the time Obasanjo returned as civilian president 20 years after his first tour of duty, the country had begun to reap the whirlwind from decades of costly omission.

President Obasanjo appeared to understand this but arguably waited too long to address it. In the fifth year of his eight-year tenure, he enacted the Universal Basic Education Programme (UBE), which made basic education compulsory for all children in Nigeria. Basic education under the law was defined as nine years of formal education – six years in primary school and three years of junior secondary education. It also became a federal crime to deny a child in Nigeria access to such education. To encourage uptake by the states, the Federal Government offered generous co-financing incentives to the states. Many failed to take it up.

Two years later, in 2006, President Obasanjo launched a National Policy on Education. By this time, a diagnosis had indicated the depth of the emergency. Of 42.1 million Nigerian children eligible for primary education at the end of 2005, “only 22.3 million were in the primary schools.” “This figure implies that about 19.8 million or 47% Nigerian children who should (have) been in primary schools (were) not.”

It is no surprise that this period coincided with the onset of what would later become an Islamist insurgency founded on an ideology opposed to Western education.

As with his first tour of presidential duty, the policy measures implemented by President Obasanjo on his second coming equally relied for their durability on his successors sharing his sense of mission and urgency. It was a tall hope. In the two decades since Obasanjo’s National Policy on Education of 2006, successive administrations have neglected it to a point where the country has become the most natural recruiting ground in the world for radicalisation.

On Monday, 13th November 2017, Muhammadu Buhari, another Nigerian ruler on his second tour of presidential duty, hosted a Cabinet retreat on education. Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo, himself a teacher of considerable stature and Education Minister, Adamu Adamu, also addressed the retreat, which, however, involved little deliberation and ended with an inconclusive communique.

A high point of the Buhari Cabinet retreat was the presentation of Minister Adamu Adamu’s “Education for Change: A Ministerial Strategic Plan, 2016-2019.” Launched in August 2016 and better known under the acronym MSP, its title was a play upon the “Change” mantra of the then government, and the United Nations’ Education for All campaign. If it had been launched today, the plan would probably have been called “Education for Renewed Hope”.

At over 120 pages, most Nigerians, including senior staff of the Federal Ministry of Education (FMoE), were unlikely ever to read the MSP. In his foreword, Minister Adamu promised to “welcome rigorous discussion with all levels of stakeholders to ensure a sustainable and enduring document.” It never happened.

The MSP offered the government’s vision for education in Nigeria, setting out three strategic outcomes, namely: improving access, enhancing quality and strengthening sectoral systems. The scope covered ten major areas. Under access, in particular, the MSP focused on out-of-school children (OOSC).

The MSP identified a priority in the twin challenges of OOSC and mass illiteracy. The plan estimated the number of OOSC at 10.5 million and illiteracy at 38% or 60 million Nigerians. With reference to OOSC, it proposed “a state of emergency on education in the states most affected by the (Boko Haram) insurgency.” This was an implicit recognition of the relationship of cause and effect between policy failure and national security consequences.

By 2019, the plan hoped to reduce by half the number of illiterate people in Nigeria through the deployment of 170,000 instructors, 100,000 of whom will be mobilised by the Federal Government and another 70,000 by the States. For the first time, the MSP offered a plan for a pre-primary (nursery) education curriculum. Not much has been heard of these since then.

The pivotal planning data on which the MSP was anchored was dubious and dated. On the issue of OOSC, for instance, it claimed that Nigeria had “10.5 million out-of-school children”, a figure first used by the FMoE in its planning in 2006. Contradicting the MSP, however, President Buhari informed the country at the retreat that in Nigeria, “an estimated 13.2 million children are out of school.” This was one-third more than the estimate by the MSP.

On the back of this frightening number, President Buhari then touted the goal of the FMoE as “fostering the development of all Nigerian citizens to their full potential, in the promotion of a strong, democratic, egalitarian, indivisible and indissoluble sovereign nation under God.”

For all its ambition, the MSP was starkly un-costed. Instead, it proposed to increase already bloated education overheads by elevating the National Board for Arabic and Islamic Studies (NBAIS) to a parastatal. It is hardly any surprise that President Buhari’s goal of enlightened governance based on egalitarian civics came to nought.

These and many more flaws in the MSP highlight the reasons why Nigeria’s educational sector drifted into a zone of dangerous incoherence under President Buhari’s watch. In the period since then, the country has descended into a snarling cauldron of inter-ethnic hate.

This past week, President Obasanjo disclosed that the population of OOSC in Nigeria has nearly doubled to 24 million, which is over 10% of the country’s current population estimate. He predictably warned: “You don’t need an oracle to know they will become the recruiting ground for the Boko Haram of tomorrow.”

Education should be a national security priority for all levels of government. States need both a coherent policy environment and a committed partner at the federal level. Yet very few Nigerians can say who the Minister of Education is, his/her name, and their plan for addressing Nigeria’s 24 million reasons to fear for the future.

Credit: Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

Tinubu requests House approval to borrow $2.35bn

Nigeria@64: Tinubu's Independence anniversary speech

President Bola Tinubu has officially asked for the House of Representatives’ approval to secure $2.35 billion in external borrowing to partly fund the 2025 budget deficit and refinance Nigeria’s maturing Eurobonds.

His request, contained in a letter addressed to House Speaker Tajudeen Abbas, was read on the House floor on Tuesday.

Tinubu, also in the same letter, sought approval to issue a $500 million debut sovereign sukuk in the International Capital Market (ICM) to finance infrastructure projects and broaden Nigeria’s financing options.

As stated by the President, the borrowing plan aligns with Sections 21(1) and 27(1) of the Debt Management Office (Establishment) Act, 2003, which require legislative consent for new loans and refinancing arrangements.

The $2.35 billion proposal includes $1.23 billion (N1.84 trillion) already provided in the 2025 Appropriation Act to partly cover the budget deficit, with an additional $1.12 billion earmarked to refinance a Eurobond maturing on November 21.

The letter stated: “The Federal Government has successfully issued Sukuk in the domestic capital market to fund critical infrastructure projects.”

“From September 2017 to May 2025, the DMO raised N1.39 trillion through domestic Sukuk for road projects. However, tapping external sources is essential to complement domestic funding, bridge infrastructure gaps, diversify the investor base, and deepen the government securities market.”

Tinubu said the funds could be raised through Eurobonds, loan syndications, or bridge financing facilities, depending on market conditions, with pricing expected to reflect current yields on Nigeria’s international bonds, ranging from 6.8 percent to 9.3 percent depending on maturity.

On the proposed $500 million sovereign sukuk, the President emphasized that it would help diversify Nigeria’s investor base, strengthen the government securities market, and fund essential infrastructure projects nationwide.

Actress Adunni Ade wins defamatory case, awarded N20m damages

Adunni Ade

Nigerian-American actress and model, Adunni Ade, has vowed to expose a colleague who allegedly fed false information about her to blogger, following her recent court victory over a defamatory publication linking her to former senator Dino Melaye.

The Lagos High Court, sitting in Court No. 17 and presided over by Justice I.O. Harrison, delivered the judgment on June 24, 2025, in a suit marked LD/1778/1MFHR/2024.

Celebrating her legal win, Adunni Ade stated: “I won my case – Adunni Ade vs. Polace Media Limited. A false story was published about me, but the truth stood tall. This judgment reaffirms that privacy matters – and so does integrity. Justice delayed isn’t justice denied.”

Justice Harrison ruled in her favor, awarding her N20 million in damages and ordering the removal of her name and image from the publication. She expressed gratitude to her lawyer, Olumide Babalola, for tirelessly handling the case.

The court ruled that the use of her name and photograph in the story amounted to a breach of Section 37 of the 1999 Constitution and Section 24 of the Nigeria Data Protection Act, 2023.

Adunni issued a strong warning to those avoiding legal proceedings, saying, “You who are running up and down avoiding court papers, please stand still so you can be served.”

Directing her remarks at the colleague she accuses of spreading the false story, she added, “To you, my fellow actress who told a false story to Cutie Julls, don’t worry—very soon the world will know the kind of snake you are. Envy and bitterness live and breathe in you. You are deadly! You must have forgotten what you showed me in my room?”

The actress concluded by thanking the Nigerian court for upholding her rights, emphasizing the importance of privacy and integrity in public life.

Lagos and the Igbo: The Threats of Pogroms at the Polls, By Ugoji Egbujo

Opinion

In 2023, after Obi defeated Tinubu in Lagos, MC Oluomo addressed the state. He warned the Igbo to sit at home on election day if they wouldn’t vote the APC. He wasn’t subtle. In that live broadcast, he framed  non-APC votes as a punishable betrayal. The police invited him for questioning, but the “chat” was more photo-op than accountability. He was released after a half-hearted apology that many saw as scripted.

A few days later at the polls, the Igbo were beaten black and blue, chased away from the polls. Many Igbo voters were hospitalized in Eti-Osa, Ojo, Amuwo-Odofin, and beyond. Oluomo’s agents had performed their task. The police did nothing. INEC said the election was credible. Oluomo and his principals celebrated the triumph of hooliganism. MC Oluomo’s street enforcers had turned words into wounds, and the lack of repercussions emboldened the playbook.

In early 2023, MC Oluomo was the state chairman of the National Union of Road Transport Workers. The NURTW controls all the agberos in Lagos. That membership makes the union a rich source of thugs. In late 2023, Oluomo handed the reins over to a man called Sego, one Alhaji Adekunle Mustapha. Sego, a veteran enforcer with his own history of clashes, inherited not just the chair but the expectation of loyalty to the APC machine.

Now Chairnan Sego has announced that come 2027, the state would only accommodate one party, the APC. He warned that nobody would be allowed to vote any other party. Sego was explicit—anyone who decides to vote against Tinubu and the APC will be killed. Sego has sent his message to Tinubu’s opponents. Unlike MC Oluomo, his brand of hooliganism wont  take prisoners. That message was primarily for the Igbo in Lagos. Sego said: “What happened in 2023 will be child’s play… Anyone who refuses to vote APC in 2027, we’ll deal with them decisively.” He didn’t name the Igbo explicitly, but the context screams it: Lagos’ non-APC base is disproportionately Igbo.

Sego and his puppet masters weren’t just awakening old demons.  They were employing the old playbook. The 2023 script is playing all over again. After Sego made the dangerous and criminal pronouncement, the DSS promptly invited him to grill him for ‘insulting some groups’. But before the public knew of the invitation, he had been released. And following the MC Oluomo choreography, Sego , wearing a DSS visitors tag on his chest,  denied the naked threats he had issued before cameras and tendered a dubious apology.

He said he was misunderstood. The DSS did not bother to comment. With the wounds of 2023 electoral violence fresh in their minds, the Igbo in Lagos know that the Sego saga is just beginning. Sego’s threat wasn’t mere street talk. It wasnt the growl of a lone wolf . It’s a flare-up that’s reignited fears from 2023, especially among the Igbo community. Sego has proposed ethnic cleansing at the polls.

Sego mentioned Aregbesola, but he  did not need to mention Igbo by name. After the 2023 attacks, Onanuga, Tinubu’s spokesman, warned the Igbo that their rejection of Tinubu in Lagos would not be tolerated in 2027. A few other Lagos traditional rulers have voiced their opposition to free and fair elections in Lagos, citing an attempt by settlers to usurp and dominate their hosts through economic enterprise and free and fair elections. Sego’s outburst therefore wasn’t a thoughtless pronouncement by an otimkpu. It was a declaration of intent by a political family using a mouthpiece which, though potent, can’t be subjected to scrupulous moral scrutiny given his professional background.

So while Sego is formidable and his threats might be more potent than MC Oluomo’s, Sego isn’t the problem. Though Sego has primed the hounds and they may leave more carnage in 2027 than they did in 2023, Sego is not the danger. The problem is the seeming apathy of the president, the ‘eternal don’ of Lagos politics.  While the wounds of 2023 are still bleeding, the president’s lackeys are left loose to  encourage political hooliganism and fan the embers of ethnic strife.

The violence against the Igbo was never addressed. The hooligans were never prosecuted. Those who instigated it were never punished; rather, since 2023, the president has watched inter-ethnic tensions rise between the Igbo and Yoruba on social media, and the government did nothing to douse it. The only conclusion left is that Sego has said in public what his masters are saying in their bedrooms. And that is why Sego, as carnivorous as he may be, is not the problem. Sego isn’t the principal villain.

Tinubu is the president.  Tinubu isn’t just the father of all; he is the godfather of Lagos politics. Lagos isnt just the microcosm of Nigeria, it is the heartbeat.  Tinubu  has a duty to promote democracy in Lagos. The godly and lawful way to win Lagos is to win the hearts and minds of Lagosians of all ethnic hues. The cheap recourse to political hooliganism to disenfranchise one group will ultimately lead to a national disaster.

The exclusion of any ethnic group from the polls anywhere in the country undermines the peace and unity of the country at its foundations. So when presidential spokesmen or lackeys come into the open to threaten the extermination of Tinubu’s opponents in 2027, they make Tinubu morally liable. When Tinubu hesitates to use these offenders to teach others a lesson, he validates the dangerous and divisive tendency.

A president’s moral authority to govern is damaged when his supporters seek to win in his home state by disenfranchising an ethnic group through the use of violence, and he responds with silence, nonchalance. The Igbo in particular might cheap targets – vanquished in a previous civil war, scattered all over the country,  most  vulnerable to widespread confusion, and lacking decisive numbers like the Hausa- Fulani. But Tinubu should be mindful of what  our ancestor said of little   feces and its oversized capacity to damage the anus. Lagos must remain the melting pot of tribes and theatre of dreams.

In the last local government elections in Lagos, many people stayed away. The Igbo in particular chose not to participate for fear of targeted violence. The credibility of any future elections in Lagos was already in doubt before Sego took matters into his hand. After Sego issued his fatwa to the loud cheer of his men and other ethnic chauvinists , the Igbo must demand special protection from the president.

If One-Nigeria is a farcical concept used to mine taxes and resources, the president should tell the Igbo. If it’s a cosmetic balm to soothe the wound of domination, the president should tell the Igbo. The best interpretation of the President’s continued silence is irresponsible negligence; otherwise, it borders on criminal complicity. The Igbo and other ethnic groups in Lagos aren’t asking for favors—they are demanding protection of their constitutional rights.

The forceful exclusion of an ethnic group from the polls anywhere is a crime against humanity in electoral form. It is an electoral fraud of apocalyptic dimensions. It has the capacity to turn the polls into pogroms. The ball is in Tinubu’s court. History waits to judge him.

Credit: Ugoji Egbujo

Cristiano Ronaldo becomes first billionaire footballer

Cristiano Ronaldo becomes first billionaire footballer

International and star footballer, Cristiano Ronaldo has become football’s first billionaire player.

The Bloomberg Billionaires Index, an external index that tracks the world’s richest people based on their net worth, has measured the 40-year-old Portugal and Al-Nassr striker’s wealth for the first time.

The valuation takes into account career earnings, investments, and endorsements and says Ronaldo’s net worth is $1.4bn (£1.04bn).

It says he earned more than $550m (£410m) in salary between 2002 and 2023, and breaks down his reported earnings through deals and sponsorship, including a decade-long deal with Nike worth almost $18m (£13.4m) a year.

When Ronaldo joined Al-Nassr in the Saudi Pro League in 2022 he reportedly became the best-paid player in football history with an annual salary of £177m.

His contract was due to end in June 2025 but he signed a new two-year deal – reportedly worth more than $400m (£298m) – which will keep him at the club beyond his 42nd birthday.

Argentina and Inter Miami forward Lionel Messi, who played against Ronaldo for many years during their time in Spain, has earned more than $600m (£447m) in pre-tax salary during his career, according to Bloomberg.

That includes $20m (£15m) in guaranteed annual pay since 2023, which is about 10% of Ronaldo’s income during the same period.

(LIB. Photo: LIB)

It’s disdainful to describe some Nigerians as valueless low class or street urchin ―Peter Obi defends his supporters

I'm being threatened for rejecting mind-blowing offers - Peter Obi - Daily Post Nigeria

Presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 general elections, Peter Obi, has stated that he will never look down on any Nigerian, emphasising that his politics are rooted in empathy, inclusion, and respect for human dignity.

He made this statement on Wednesday via his X (Formerly Twitter) handle, while reacting to comments describing some of his supporters as “street urchins” and “low-class Nigerians.”

The former Anambra State governor and businessman said such statements reflect a disdain for ordinary citizens.

The statement reads: “Lately, I have heard a few people say that those who follow Peter Obi are low-class Nigerians, and some have even gone as far as calling them “street urchins” and people of no value. It is deeply unfortunate that in today’s Nigeria, citizens now look down on fellow citizens in such a degrading manner.

“I have never and will never look down on anyone, except to lift them up. After all, we can only rise by lifting others. My involvement in politics has never been about associating with the so-called high and mighty, but about standing with the ordinary Nigerians whose voices have been silenced and whose resources have been stolen by the same “big names” who now parade themselves with all sorts of titles and names.

“No Nigerian is of no value. No Nigerian is a street urchin. It speaks volumes about the state of our nation that everyday Nigerians, are now battered by poverty and hardship, to the point their leaders refer to them as of no value, and urchins.

“Every Nigerian deserves dignity, opportunity, and care. That is why I will continue to do my part to ensure that the ordinary Nigerians enjoy a better life, one built on access to education, quality healthcare, and genuine efforts to lift them out of poverty.

“True leadership is not about mocking the weak; it is about lifting them up.”

A single mother’s story (I), By Chukwuneta Oby

Chukwuneta Oby (@NetaOC) | Twitter

This was a message that a lady sent to me recently.

“I have a daughter whom I raised for most of my life as a single parent. She came into my life with so much grace. How we got through the toughest times was nothing short of a miracle.

One of the promises I made to myself was to give her a quality education, no matter the sacrifice. I didn’t mind denying myself so much for that purpose.

The school my daughter attended didn’t come cheap, but I was equal to the task, thanks to a job I had with a foreign company.

Our financial security only became shaky when she entered senior secondary school. The organisation I worked for shut down and relocated to another African country. Management actually offered me the option of moving with them, but I had my daughter, who had just two years left in secondary school, and my ailing mother to consider.

Besides, I had some savings to fall back on, though those were quickly dwindling because of my mother’s medical expenses.

To cut costs, I had to dismiss my mother’s caregiver and take on the responsibility myself, since I was yet to secure another job.

Eventually, things got so difficult that I had to have a very tough conversation with my daughter. I told her I would be changing her to a cheaper school.

My daughter cried, but it was not out of anger. She hugged me tightly, buried her face in my chest, and kept saying, ‘Mummy, please don’t apologise. I understand.’

This happened over the weekend. By the following week, I had already begun hunting for a cheaper school. We both agreed that she would stay home until she could start at the new school, to avoid the pressure of paying one more term’s fees in her current school.

By Wednesday that week, I returned home with good news about a “fairly good” school that came highly recommended. But when I got home, my daughter was nowhere to be found.

She eventually came back in the evening. When I asked where she had been, she told me she went to say goodbye to her best friends. Two of those friends are sisters, and their house is practically her second home.

Beyond exchanging warm pleasantries whenever we met at school, I didn’t have much of a relationship with their parents. And as a single mother, I was always careful not to overstep into a ‘husband and wife’ space, lest anybody start looking at me with suspicion.

So you can imagine my confusion when my daughter told me that the father of her best friends wanted to see me in his office, and insisted that I come the very next day.

I honoured the invitation.

It turned out his daughters had told their parents that my daughter was leaving their school. So, their father decided to step in and support her school fees for the remaining years she had left there.

I had not even recovered from my shock when he made one request. He asked me not to mention the gesture to my daughter.

He explained that if she found out, she would tell his daughters, and eventually, the information would reach his wife, who might not understand that there were no strings attached between us.

I left his office with one regret, that my daughter didn’t get the opportunity to thank him, at least. I would also have loved to thank his entire household. But I respected his wish.

My mother prayed for that man and his family until her last days.

Every session, he wrote a cheque that covered my daughter’s school expenses. And when the children graduated from secondary school, he wrote a cheque of two million naira for me to deposit into an account for my daughter’s university education. That was his final involvement.

That was how my daughter completed her schooling, and she did so in flying colours.

Another miracle was how we eventually found ourselves in Canada, where she is now rounding off a Master’s degree programme, while I also work here.

What amazes me is that this same daughter, whom I was jilted for and called “desperate” because I refused to terminate her while she was just “blood” in my body, has been at the centre of the countless ways God has come through for me.

From Oby…

Most times, it is through what was meant to undo us that life finds a way of making us better.

Credit: Chukwuneta Oby

Nigeria’s INEC chairman, Yakubu steps down, Agbamuche-Mbu takes over

Agbamuche-Mbu takes over from Yakubu as Acting INEC Chair

Following a decade of steering Nigeria’s elections through sweeping reforms and digital innovations, Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Mahmood Yakubu announced his resignation on Tuesday.

Yakubu, who has been at the helm since 2015, formally stepped down during the Commission’s quarterly meeting with Resident Electoral Commissioners RECs in Abuja, describing the session as his “last as chairman.”

Citing Section 306 of the 1999 Constitution, Yakubu said the move would allow a smooth transition as INEC braces for a busy electoral calendar.

Mrs. May Agbamuche-Mbu, the most senior commissioner, by consensus of the National Commissioners, takes over in acting capacity pending the appointment of a substantive chairman.

In his farewell remarks, Yakubu reflected on his 10-year stewardship, pointing to INEC’s digital transformation — from biometric voter registration and electronic result transmission to online nomination and monitoring systems.

He declared: “Together, we built a foundation for credible elections in Africa’s largest democracy.”

Yakubu acknowledged support from political parties, the National Peace Committee, civil society, security agencies, the media, and especially corps members of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), whom he described as “the most patriotic election officials.”

The outgoing chairman also unveiled two publications capturing his tenure: “Election Management in Nigeria 2015–2025” and “Innovations in Electoral Technology 2015–2025,” now available on INEC’s website.

Yakubu leaves with major elections approaching, including next month’s Anambra governorship poll, the FCT Area Council vote in February 2026, and the Ekiti and Osun governorship contests later that year. Preparations for the 2027 general elections, he revealed, have already begun.

Ending on a lighter note, Yakubu invited commissioners for a farewell photograph before officially handing over to Agbamuche-Mbu.

Embattled Nigerian Minister, Geoffrey Nnaji, resigns

Geoffrey Uche Nnaji

Nigerian Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology, Geoffrey Nnaji, has resigned from President Bola Tinubu’s cabinet amid controversies surrounding his academic records and allegations of certificate forgery.

Nnaji, who was appointed in August 2023, announced his resignation in a letter to the President on Tuesday, expressing appreciation for the opportunity to serve.

In a statement on Tuesday, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, said: “President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has accepted the resignation of Geoffrey Uche Nnaji, the Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology, following some allegations against him. President Tinubu appointed Nnaji in August 2023.

“He resigned today in a letter thanking the President for allowing him to serve Nigeria. Nnaji said he has been a target of blackmail by political opponents. President Tinubu thanked him for his service and wished him well in future endeavours.”

Nnaji’s resignation comes amid a lingering controversy over alleged certificate forgery and questions surrounding his academic qualifications from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

A Federal High Court sitting in Enugu had rejected Nnaji’s bid to stop the University of Nigeria from releasing his academic records.

The court had ruled that the institution was within its rights to release the minister’s academic details in response to a freedom of information request, a decision that fuelled further public scrutiny.

Why I no longer wear my trademark khaki outfit ―Oshiomhole

Official Homepage of Senator Adams Oshiomhole – Edo North's Voice in the  Nigerian Senate - Senator Adams Oshiomhole

Nigerian Senator, representing Edo North Senatorial District at the Nigeria’s national assembly, Adams Oshiomhole has explained why he no longer wears his trademark khaki outfits to the Nigerian Senate.

Speaking during an interview on Arise Television’s Morning Show on Friday, Oshiomhole addressed public comments that he had abandoned his labour roots since becoming a senator. He said those assumptions were wrong.

He said said his decision was not personal but due to the Senate’s official dress code

According to him, “The ‘senator’ (wear) thing I need to clear it. I watched one analysis, where it was said that ‘even Oshiomhole, power changes people. He no longer wears ‘khaki’.”

The former Nigeria Labour Congress president explained that he had been cautioned repeatedly not to wear khaki during plenary. “Do you know that I am not allowed with all my human right? I’m not allowed, I don’t have the right to wear those khaki to the Senate because they have a dress code,” he said.

He added that presiding officers warned him on several occasions, stressing that “this is not labour office.”

Oshiomhole, who built his political image around khaki during his activism days, clarified that his change in attire was purely about compliance with Senate rules and not a reflection of personal transformation.

Recall that in 2019, Oshiomhole faced criticism from some civil society groups who accused him of abandoning his activist style after assuming national political office as the chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Generals, Marabouts and Boko Haram, By Lasisi Olagunju

Balling with Bola Tinubu at 73, By Lasisi Olagunju

General Lucky Irabor wrote a book that attracted a gathering of Generals in Abuja last Friday. Irabor, in the book, describes the January 1966 coup as “a shield that became a sword;” a solution that became a problem. He may be right. Bishop Matthew Kukah, who reviewed the book, described the January 1966 coup as the nation’s primary crime scene. I disagree. Nigeria’s real crime scene is located far before 1966. We still have not learnt any lesson.

General Irabor is the immediate past Chief of the Defence Staff. Born 5 October, 1965, he was a baby – three months, ten days old – when January 1966 happened to Nigeria. General Olusegun Obasanjo wrote the Foreword to the book and chaired the Abuja gathering. I have not seen what he wrote in the Foreword but I heard what he said at the book launch. He said Boko Haram was not about politics and not really about religion. So what is it about? He suggested that frustration and lack of “better life” perverted the pervert. He then wondered why terror and terrorism have become Nigeria’s way of life.

There were other Generals there. One of them is the Sultan of Sokoto; he belonged in the Armoured Corps. Another is the Etsu Nupe. Both of them left the army as Brigadier-General. The Sultan said Generals don’t retire. And because they do not retire or get tired, we keep seeing them in our lives beyond the barracks. Irabor’s book launch turned out to be a confab of Generals in search of what eludes them on the battlefield – victory over the collective enemy.

They were there looking for a solution to Nigeria’s interminable terrorism. I watched them and reached for 16th century English statesman, scholar and saint, Sir Thomas More. In his ‘A Dialogue Concerning Heresies’, More wrote a line which became the idiom: “looking for a needle in a haystack.” Our Generals need to interrogate that English clause locked in seven words of frustration. It speaks to their gathering. What they seek they won’t find except they really want to see it.

Irabor’s book carries the title: ‘Scars’ in bold, capital letters of blood. Beyond quotes from the review, I have not seen the book to get what his ‘SCARS’ really talks about. But ‘scars’ as book or as sabre cuts on the face cannot be anyone’s sweet story.

Bishop Kukah, the book reviewer, said Irabor’s story is about Nigeria’s scars of insecurity; the ugly, unhealed, unhealable wound gashed on our collective face by Boko Haram. President Goodluck Jonathan was there with the Generals; and he got the metaphor right. He said the abduction of Chibok Girls is an everlasting scar on the face of his presidency; he hinted that it was a monument to leadership failure. But is Jonathan the only one with that scar?

Nineteenth century Scottish novelist and essayist, Robert Louis Stevenson (R. L. Stevenson) wrote ‘Treasure Island’, an excellent novel of pirates and blood, hidden treasure chests, death and disappointments. It was published in 1883. If you read more of Stevenson beyond his popular fiction, you would likely come across where he wrote the truth that our “wealth took their value from our neighbour’s poverty.” You would read how this someone who lived and died 131 years ago saw that despite the “free man’s” pretence to kindness, “the slaves are still ill-fed, ill-clad, ill-taught, ill-housed, insolently entreated, and driven to their mines and workshops by the lash of famine.” The passage reads like it is about 2025 Nigeria and its unfed, unclaimed, unclad, untaught children.

I watched the cream of Nigerian Generals, serving and retired, on Friday at that book launch of one of them. I watched them pontificating, one by one, on TV about Nigeria and its scars and I remembered Major-General Sir Thomas Vandeleur in R. L. Stevenson’s ‘The Rajah’s Diamond’, a story in his ‘New Arabian Nights’ published in 1881. Thomas Vandeleur is a General in blind, desperate but fruitless search for his family’s lost jewel. Nigeria’s Generals, like Vandeleur, old adventurers in uniform who once held the diamond of power, have ruled and been ruined by it. The nation’s story, like Vandeleur’s, is one of obsession with that fatal jewel called authority, which brings suffering to all who covet it.

Our Generals are helpless. That is what I saw at that event on Friday. Power has cast Nigeria’s fortunes into the river of defeat; it has left generations searching the muddy depths for the nation’s lost promise. Dethroned by coups and transitions, Nigeria’s power elite always come back as “handsome tobacconists” of democracy, reinvented messiahs and born-again democrats. They trade in influence and illusion; their scars, like Stevenson’s Vandeleur’s, are the marks of past violence disguised as experience, and their continued grip on Nigeria’s destiny shows that, though the diamond of nationhood is lost, its curse endures.

When I get General Irabor’s book to read, I will search for words that define wounds inflicted by bad and absent leadership, by aborted dreams and betrayed hopes. I will look for phrases, for sentences and paragraphs on heists that cut deeper into the nation’s face. I will love to read through its jagged pages of dreams deferred.

I scanned the Generals’ faces and read their lips. The gashes of insecurity, from Boko Haram’s bombs in Borno to herders’ bullets in Kwara, are the handiwork of decades of neglect and decay. The scar of insecurity has become our national birthmark, neither healed nor hidden; its permanence mocks every promise of reform. Obasanjo said at the book event that “Boko Haram is now virtually becoming part of our life. Should we accept that? If we should not accept it, what should we do? How much do we know? Even from the other side, and from this side, have we been active enough? Have we been proactive enough?” If a General and former president asked us those questions, to whom should we then turn for answers? Like Vandeleur’s scar, Nigeria’s wounds carry an ambiguity; they are signs of survival, yet also of complicity, for we are all, in one way or another, marked by a bad story we refuse to rewrite. General Irabor has done very well by writing a book that has provoked a discourse. We wait for others.

The Generals who spoke were very eloquent on the scars of Boko Haram. Did I not hear excuses for what the terrorists do and why they do them? One of the Generals even said “they (Boko Haram) never said book is haram.” Valuable minutes were spent doing definition of terms. Is that also a solution to the problem? They said so much but I didn’t hear a word from the Generals on the millions of out-of-school children who feed the machinery of terrorism and banditry. Today, Nigeria has an estimated 20 million out-of-school children, the highest number in the world. Read United Nations’ records: More than 60 percent of these children are in the northern states; they are the almajiri; the system is there till tomorrow; entrenched.

Was it not General Obasanjo who wrote in one of his books that “our fingers will not be dry of blood” as long as lice abound in our clothes? I agree with him.

Because we are a dirty, contaminated nation, lice keep laying their nits in the seams of our garments. The line of Boko Haram lice is lengthened daily by mass child illiteracy and adult disillusionment. Our Generals would not acknowledge that the poverty of our streets is both symptom and scar: proof of the violence of neglect and the betrayal of the future. They, and we, still do not see that in every Almajiri begging for miserable morsels of leftovers, the nation’s unhealed wounds find new violence and new weapons.

Then, there is Bishop Kukah’s jarring charge that marabouts have become a substitute for government and governing. He hinted that we’ve outsourced the leadership of the nation to some “blind clerics” somewhere. That statement should strike a chord with all who heard him. But because it is true, all who heard it pretended it was not said.

The Bishop was on solid ground when he uttered what he said. The proofs are everywhere: In August 2015, the Adamawa State government announced that it had earmarked N200 million to engage prayer warriors against Boko Haram. In March 2016, a certain Aminu Baba-Kusa, once a powerful executive director of the NNPC, appeared before the High Court in Abuja with a witness statement and disclosed in it that a total of ₦2.2 billion was expended, not for arms or intelligence, but for prayers, solemnly commissioned to hasten the fall of Boko Haram. The money went out in two waves: ₦1.45 billion first, then another ₦750 million. It was a contract sanctified by faith and sealed by silence.

Nothing that has happened in the last ten years suggests a change of strategy. Marabouts still cash out from a mugu nation and a leadership that worships in unworthy shrines. Kukah stepped on toes; he said the manipulation of religion for politics, using religion to enforce power, has become destructive to religion in northern Nigeria. It took remarkable episcopal courage for Kukah to say publicly that northern politicians use Islam for political cash-out. I watched the Sultan, calm and angry at Bishop Kukah for daring to stray away from the book he was asked to review into a realm angels fear to tread. As the Sultan spoke, the TV man’s camera panned to a defiant Kukah fiddling with a piece of pamphlet.

Speaker after speaker spoke on what they thought caused insecurity in northern Nigeria. I waited in vain to hear the Generals acknowledge that northern children, denied books and purpose, are the soldiers of chaos in Zamfara, Sokoto, Niger and, now in Kwara. In vain I listened to hear the truth from our Generals that today’s violent elements, products of a past of negligence, are proof that unattended scars can erupt again in new forms of pain.

Our Generals are searching for what is not lost. The spring head of terror and terrorism in northern Nigeria is the wrong religious philosophy which atrophies millions of children. Every child anywhere, including in northern Nigeria, wants and deserves what General Obasanjo called “better life.” A child who has opportunities for self-discovery and development won’t be readily available for employment by merchants of terror. Terrorism will dry out the moment its recruitment market winds up. Educating the street children of the North, and equipping them with the right skills will sound the death knell of Boko Haram and banditry, its brethren. But this is where even the Generals feared to tread last Friday. They were afraid of the clerics in whose hands lie the yam and the knife of power and privileges.

The people who spoke at that event were not up to ten. Several scores of other big men and women were there, silent and quiet, sometimes clapping. They either did not have the chance to be called to speak or they did not want to speak and be quoted into trouble. But, really, what is trouble? Trouble can sneak into the hole of silence. Jeff T. Johnson writes in his ‘Trouble Songs’ that “Trouble may appear in a title and disappear in a song,” and “’Trouble’ may sneak up in a song without warning.”

Trouble is Nigeria, the sick, denying its illness. Real trouble is homicidal or suicidal silence; it is treating eczema when leprosy is the ailment.

So, at the risk of courting abuse and insults and threats, I join Bishop Kukah in urging Nigeria to stop keeping quiet in the face of evil. Enough of saying that you do not want to ruffle feathers or open old wounds. Wounds that refuse to heal should be opened and given the right medicine. That is what heals.

A broken nation, sworn to silence, or to denial of truth, hurtles down a roller coaster of failure. Silence scars with ugly gashes. Screaming within, yet saying nothing out is sickness. The Yoruba say silence is the foundation of misfortune. Speaking out does not mean you will die young, broke and broken. Not speaking out when you have a voice is no guarantee for safety and comfort. Bishop Kukah’s Hausa proverb is the ultimate counsel here: “Not going to the toilet does not mean you won’t be hungry.”

Credit: Lasisi Olagunju

Imisi wins Season 10 BBNaija’s N150m prize

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Imisi Ayanwale, simply called Imisi, on Sunday emerged as the winner of Big Brother Naija (BBNaija) Season 10, taking home N80 million in cash and overall N150 million worth of grand prizes.

The beautiful, humorous and outspoken BBNaija housemate, who enjoyed massive support from her loyal fanbase known as “Ijoba 606,” was one of the ten finalists, which included Dede, Koyin, Sultana, Jason Jae, Mensan, Kaybobo, Isabella and so on.

The season kicked off with 29 housemates, but only nine contestants made it to the final showdown. They are Kola, Imisi, Isabella, Sultana, Jason Jae, Mensan, Koyin, Kaybobo, and Dede. Faith, who also made it to the finals, was disqualified a few days earlier.

After six evictions, Imisi and Dede were the last two housemates standing, and out of the two, Imisi emerged the winner.

For winning the show, Imisi will be taking home the N150million grand prize, including a cash prize, and an SUV, plus additional sponsored prizes.

Photo: Africa Magic, BBNaija, DStv

HEDA petitions ICPC to investigate Ozekhome, others over London property

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Human and Environmental Development Agenda (HEDA Resource Centre) has petitioned the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to investigate senior lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome SAN, his son Osilama Ozekhome, one Efemuai Mudiaga Kingsley, and their associates over alleged fraud, forgery of Nigerian identity documents, and an alleged unlawful attempt to acquire property in London.

Punch reports that when contacted on Sunday for his reaction to the petition, Ozekhome declined to comment, saying, “I cannot speak on a matter that I am not aware of. I will not react to something I don’t know there is no need to push this please.”

Signed by HEDA Chairman, Olanrewaju Suraju, the petition was prompted by the September 11, 2025 judgment of the United Kingdom’s First-tier Tribunal (Property Chamber) in the case of Tali Shani v Chief Mike Agbedor Abu Ozekhome.

The tribunal dismissed Ozekhome’s claim that a property at 79 Randall Avenue, London, had been transferred to him as part payment for legal services worth N100m.

The court described the claim as “a fabrication and a fraudulent attempt to take possession of property not lawfully his.”

As stated in the tribunal’s findings, fraudulent Nigerian identity documents, including a passport, ECOWAS travel certificate, Tax Identification Number, and National Identification Number  were procured to impersonate “Mr. and Ms. Tali Shani.”

HEDA warned that such a scheme could not have occurred without collusion from corrupt officials within the NIMC, Nigerian Immigration Service, Federal Inland Revenue Service, and court registries.

The organisation urged the ICPC to conduct a comprehensive investigation, prosecute all implicated individuals, cooperate with UK authorities to recover the property, and refer the lawyers involved to the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee for possible disbarment.

Suraju said: “This case is alarming not just because of the unlawful property grab, but because it shows how easily Nigeria’s sensitive identity systems can be manipulated by elites and compromised public officials.

“It is a direct assault on our institutions and our reputation. The ICPC must act swiftly and decisively to restore public confidence.

“A firm response from anti-corruption authorities would send a strong message that Nigeria will not tolerate the manipulation of its identity systems and public institutions, regardless of the influence or status of those involved.”

Datti Baba-Ahmed tackles Kashim Shettima, By Akin Osuntokun

Igbo Presidency: Road to Defeatist Resignation - Akin Osuntokun

“I Don’t Blame BAT, Whoever Knows What Shettima Did Won’t Keep Him Long, Airwaves Can’t Carry It”—Datti Baba-Ahmed

The pithy and cryptic line from Datti Baba Ahmed — veteran educator, businessman and former vice principal on the Labour Party presidential ticket — captures the kind of blunt, insinuating commentary that has become his trademark. The remark goes beyond personal invective; it reaches into core anxieties of Nigerian politics: the mistrust between principals and their deputies, the persistence of conspiracy narratives in the face of insecurity, and the widening gap between public perception and institutional accountability.

Datti Baba Ahmed is more than an occasional commentator. He is an education entrepreneur — proprietor of Baze University in Abuja and Baba Ahmed University in Kano — and a public intellectual whose investments in education stand out in a region where modern schooling has long lagged behind national averages. Education is a self-evident and indispensable precursor of socioeconomic development more so in the era of globalisation.

In Nigeria, where regional disparities shape political narratives, Baba Ahmed’s work in the North counters assumptions about the region’s resistance to modernisation. His standing gives weight to his interventions; when he offers an insinuation about a national figure, many listen.

It is a notorious fact that Nigeria has gotten quite the bad guy reputation for financial and drug related crimes in the international community. The beguiling paradox is the rating of Nigerians as the most educationally accomplished national demographic in the United States.

This is the latest review (from five years ago) of Fareed Zakaria’s (of CNN) observation that ‘Nigerians are some of the most educated immigrants in America’. Citing the reports of the Migration Policy Institute, 59% of Nigerian immigrants age 25 or older in the US hold at least a Bachelor’s degree, which is nearly double the proportion of the Americans born in the US (33%).

Zakaria further revealed that “Nigerian immigrants tend to work high skilled jobs, 54% are in largely white-collar positions in business, management, science and the art compared to the 39% of people born in the US,”. This positive profile is of immediate significance to the Nigerian economy whose contemporary economic sustenance is partly undergirded by billions of dollars in annual repatriation and remittances of Nigerians in the diaspora.

The sad commentary is that this good news is near exclusive to Nigerians of Southern Nigeria origin.The double jeopardy is the correlation of the deepening poverty with the raging security crisis ravaging the Northern region. It reinforces the emergent contrasting phenomenon of two Nigerias. Hence the uniqueness of the contributions of Baba Ahmed.

There has been increasing speculation of bad blood within the Nigerian presidency, specifically, the crisis of confidence between President Tinubu and Vice-president Kashim Shettima. Mindful of the wit of not believing any rumour until it is officially denied, a backhanded confirmation was provided by a media aide in the presidency who attributed the speculations to ‘spindoctors misleading the public into believing there is discord at the highest levels of government’.

Generally speaking, such a negative relationship between Presidents and Vice-presidents, Governors and deputy governors has become the rule rather than the exception in the politics of the fourth republic. In abstract terms, this tendency derives from the constitutional enactment in which the role of the Vice-president is reducible to filling the potential vacuum occasioned by the exit of the President.

In other words, the one who stands to benefit the most from the temporary or permanent incapacitation/indisposition of the President is the deputy. The latter is the prospective singular beneficiary of the eventuality of the former’s misfortune. The office of the Vice- President structurally incentivizes a zero sum logic. Because a deputy stands to gain from any misfortune befalling the president, the relationship can cultivate rivalry rather than partnership.

Those engaged in the amendment of the constitution may want to take it into cognisance that this recurring source of government instability is obviated in the parliamentary system of government.

There is no deputy prime minister waiting in situ to profit from the exit of his principal. In parliamentary systems, succession tends to be mediated by party institutions rather than embedded in a principal deputy dyad.

The Oyo empire had a peculiar antidote. The crown prince is made to have a vested interest in the longevity of the reign of his father, the Alaafin. At the death of the emperor, the former is ritually mandated to concurrently commit harakiri (suicide). Significantly, the proclamation of the edict banning this tradition by Alaafin Atiba precipitated a major civil war in the precolonial history of the Oyo empire.

In the paranoid consciousness of their vulnerability to the wiles of scheming deputies, Nigerian governors, especially, have come forth with the eligibility test of priorising a docile temperament in the choice of their running mates. It was probably the search for this elusive characteristic that was responsible for the record-setting turnover of three deputy governors to Tinubu (as Lagos state governor).

Much of the suspicion around Kashim Shettima stems from his tenure as governor of Borno State during the period when Boko Haram carried out some of its most notorious attacks. Having been hitherto warned of the danger of exposing secondary students to Boko Haram terrorist attacks and the subsequent reality of the calamitous abduction of the 276 female students in a Chibok secondary school on the night of 14th of April 2014, then governor Shettima refused to initiate a call to the President to brief him because “What happens in our unwritten protocol in Nigeria is that, in the event of major security problems, it is the president that summons a governor or calls him on phone or directs the Vice-president to call on his behalf for sympathy”.

To many, this rationale strained credulity: why would a state chief executive refrain from urgently alerting the country’s chief security officer when dozens of lives were at stake? Entwined with the coincidence of the residence of the Christmas day bomber, Kabiru Sokoto, in the Borno state governor’s lodge in Abuja, credibility of conspiracy theories linking Shettima with terrorism became unfettered.

Distinguishing proven culpability from speculation is crucial. The rule of law requires evidence and due process; politics driven by rumor corrodes institutions. Yet the persistence of these suspicions, and the willingness of notable figures to allude to them publicly, reflect deeper fragilities: an insecure electorate, weak oversight mechanisms, and a political culture in which innuendo often suffices to delegitimize a rival.

Baba did not adduce any evidence to substantiate his weighty allegation but it fits perfectly into the mold of the suspected collusion of the former Borno state governor in the Boko Haram rebellion. In the allegation of being a subversive deputy, Shettima will not be the first, nor will he be the last. One experience that I wish I do not have is being privy to the precedent of former Vice-president Atiku Abubakar

It was in the thick of this crisis that I was recruited as the Director and spokesperson of the 2003 reelection campaign. On my assumption of office, the first assignment I got was to ascertain the veracity of the suspicion that the Vice President’s press crew had a hand in the relentless barrage of bad press lavished on Obasanjo. I went back to Lagos to consult with the title editors and they all, without exception, confirmed the allegation. As a matter of fact, one of them offered to come back with me to Abuja to confirm the allegation in person.

A high- ranking member of the PDP equally shared this perspective “when you look at the latest statements credited to the Vice President and for which he had not denied, you can then begin to imagine what his boss, President Obasanjo had been going through all along …There was the issue of the presidential primaries of 2003 and which people were already beginning to overlook. But the truth of the matter is that when you look at recent statements credited to the Vice President, it would be very clear that what has been going on is a matter of clear and manifest disloyalty.”

The incriminating statements (being cited) were contained in a published interview in which the Vice President vented his animus and bitterness with the president. The latter rallied to publicly respond to some of the issues raised in the Vice President’s interview. Responded Obasanjo “When there was a case of doubtful loyalty on the part of the Vice President, revealed Obasanjo, I took the Bible and the Koran and said between the two of us, I want you to swear to an oath of loyalty…but he refused to swear because there were proven cases of disloyalty on his part…it was bad…I read the interview by the Vice President in Thisday of August 22 and a couple of other statements he has made. I think they contain a lot of misinformation and misrepresentation. He said I swore to him, I did not swear. I did not swear to him. For what?”

Two days before the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, presidential primaries, the BBC Hausa service sought clarifications from Abubakar on the speculation that he may not run with Obasanjo. Rather than employ the occasion to calm the waters, he chose to fan the embers of discord with his principal. He said he has not made up his mind on any of the three options he entertained.

The bad blood between the two would ultimately result in the theatre of the absurd in which a serving Vice President deserted the party ticket that brought him to office to pick up nomination as presidential candidate of another political party.

The irony was that President Obasanjo had quietly fashioned an eight year succession plan intended to make his vice president the natural successor. He justified the unusually broad authority he granted Abubakar over the economy and various local matters as deliberate preparation: in a second term he planned to turn over Nigeria’s foreign affairs to the deputy, thereby pairing hands on economic stewardship with diplomatic management. The media were quick to grasp the political significance of that empowerment, observing that “apart from letting the number two citizen run the economy, the president more or less conceded to the political sagacity of his deputy in getting complex problems solved.”

Education entrepreneurs like Datti Baba Ahmed are right to insist on competence and credibility. But transforming insinuation into investigation requires organized reforms: constitutional clarity about executive roles, robust intra party democracy, professionalised security protocols, independent oversight mechanisms, and long term investment in education and development across regions.

Credit: Akin Osuntokun

 

American rapper, Diddy sentenced to 50 months in prison

American rapper, record producer, and music executive, Sean Combs, aka Diddy, was sentenced to just over four years in prison on Friday after being convicted of transporting women to participate in drug-fueled sex marathons.

A jury found Combs guilty in July, on two counts of transportation to engage in prostitution related to his former girlfriend Cassie Ventura and a victim who testified under the pseudonym “Jane.”

Judge Arun Subramanian handed down the sentence in Manhattan federal court. Combs faced a maximum of 20 years in prison. Federal prosecutors asked for a sentence of more than 11 years in prison and to impose the maximum fine of $500,000. The defense sought a sentence of no more than 14 months in prison.

Diddy was sentenced to 50 months behind bars. Judge Subramanian also imposed the $500,000 fine and ordered five years of supervised release once Combs leaves prison.

The judge told the court on Friday that a substantial sentence was needed “to send a message to abusers and victims alike that exploitation and violence against women is met with real accountability.”

The prosecution, defense lawyers and Diddy himself — as well as members of his family — addressed the court on Friday. Combs called his actions “disgusting, shameful and sick” and asked the judge for “mercy.”

Subramanian said that because Combs went on to assault “Jane” after he assaulted Ventura, “The court is not assured that if released, these crimes will not be committed again.”

(Photo: Jane Rosenberg, Reuters)

Boko Haram once chose Buhari as negotiator ―Jonathan

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Former Nigerian President, Goodluck Jonathan said on Friday that Boko Haram insurgents once nominated former President Muhammadu Buhari to represent them in negotiations with the federal government when his administration explored dialogue as a non-combatant approach to ending the group.

He made the disclosure at the public presentation of SCARS: Nigeria’s Journey and The Boko Haram Conundrum, a book authored by former Chief of Defence Staff General Lucky Irabor, at the Transcorp Hilton in Abuja.

“One of the major scars on my government is the scar of the Chibok girls. It is a scar that will die with me,” Jonathan said. “I pray that, perhaps one day, the leaders of this group will be literate enough to write a book or come out to tell Nigerians what Boko Haram was all about.”

Jonathan said that in efforts to tackle the insurgency, which began before his presidency in 2009, his administration set up several committees to explore options for peace.

“During one of such processes, the insurgents put forward Buhari to lead their team to negotiate with government,” he said.

Jonathan added that he had hoped that, were that to have led to a dialogue when Buhari later became president, it might have been easier to secure a surrender. “But the insurgency still persisted,” he noted.

Recalling earlier efforts, Jonathan referenced the processes he supported as vice-president under the late President Umaru Yar’Adua that helped end militancy in the Niger Delta. He said the persistence of Boko Haram demonstrated the complexity of the crisis.

“If you conduct research and interview many people, you will only get part of the story, but never the full story of Boko Haram. I was there. Boko Haram started in 2009 when I was vice president. I took over in 2010 and spent five years battling the insurgency until I left office,” he said. “I thought that after I left, within a reasonable time, General Buhari would wipe them out. But even today, Boko Haram is still there. The issue of Boko Haram is far more complex than it is often presented.

“The issue of carrots and the stick may be adopted.

“If it was only about hunger — because we tried different options — I don’t want to sound like I’m defending my government, but I believe we did our best: we set up different committees and tried various approaches during the five years I was in office.”

He also questioned the source of the group’s weapons and ammunition, suggesting external involvement. “Where are these guns and sophisticated weapons coming from? You begin to see that external hands are also involved,” he said.

Jonathan described the abduction of the Chibok schoolgirls in 2014 as a permanent scar on his administration and expressed hope that, in time, some Boko Haram leaders might document the group’s motivations and actions to provide clarity.

Do you really want to live up to 100?, By Dele Sobowale

Wind of change blowing in Kano and Zamfara, By Dele Sobowale - Vanguard News

“Life is one long process of getting tired” – Samuel Butler, 1835-1902.

The famous English writer lived 67 years and spent about ten of those suffering from very painful gout. I was 32 when his observation came to my attention; and it was immediately included in my collection of quotations. For someone who had known only a member of my family, my grandmother, who made it to 85, direct experience with very old people had been limited. Growing up in Lagos Island in the 1940s to early 1960s, it was an exceptional person who made it to 70.

The friendly old men were called Pa and the women Iya Agba, i.e. old Mama. The not so friendly ones were definitely witches and wizards; of that we were certain even if there was no evidence to support the claim. Those suffering from dementia (a word unknown to us at the time) or who, on account of loneliness, talked to themselves were certainly evil; as far as we were concerned. To be quite candid, few of us expected to reach 70. I was sure that 60 was out of the question for me. But, they shared one characteristic in common – they moved slowly; if at all.

Somehow, the lesson to be learnt about old age escaped me until my third year in the university and Butler summarized it for me. Tiredness is the ultimate reward for getting too old. Now at 81+ and struggling not to succumb to another round of cancer, I now find myself questioning if ten or more years is really worth it; especially in Nigeria.

About four years ago, a group of people went to visit a prominent Nigerian who was 104 on his birthday. I could not go because I was on a wheel chair and there was nobody to take me. Another lesson about old age struck me forcefully – increasing helplessness and isolation. As the years roll by, you need people to do more things for you than ever before. You are no longer the master of your own fate. They leave you out of things.

One of the visitors stopped in my house to give me a feedback. The celebrant, who, in his younger days, was always on time for appointments, had given them 12noon as the time to come. They were all there promptly and the security guard and steward let them into the sitting room. Pa was not there. “He is still resting upstairs”, the houseboy explained. They waited until 1.55pm when the august celebrant came down in his night robes. They all rose from where they sat: “Good morning everybody”. Pa greeted them. Well, the answer, as if they had rehearsed it before was “Good morning Sir”. And, just before they could get into the annual routine of deception about Pa’s good health and the song, he raised his hand to stop them.

“Don’t come here to wish me many happy returns again,” he thundered. Then giving his hand to the house boy, he marched back upstairs. He died four months after; but not before leaving a dairy full of details of his suffering in the last 12 years during which he was flown abroad at least six times – all to no avail. His last entry, barely readable, on account of Parkinson disease read: “Each time they came to wish me many happy returns, I pray to God to take me away from life which had become painful for me. They told me, ‘Sir, you are looking good’. I felt terrible all over.”

Even for the chosen few who, after 70 or 80, can still move around on their own, with or without walking stick, the truth, which confronts them every minute, is different from the lie they are told by well-wishers. I had planned to go to an office on Broad Street on Tuesday, September 16, 2025 – the day Afriland Towers went up in smoke. The office was very close and my appointment time coincided with the event. An old friend, 78, also had an appointment. I chose not to go because of a downpour. He went; and almost became a casualty. In the pandemonium on the street, he was knocked down by young people running.

Separated from his walking stick; he would have been trampled to death but for the quick intervention of a hefty young man. In his young days, standing at six feet three inches, and weighing 230kg, nobody could knock him down. But, he has lost weight and can now barely walk. We met later in the early evening and he said: “I have never felt so ridiculous in my life as when I fell on the sidewalk, stunned, unable to get up until the Good Samaritan helped me and piloted me to a safe place. Feeling ridiculous comes with the territory. You find yourself unable to do things which seven or eight years old kids do with ease – like jumping over a narrow gutter or dropping from a moving bus driven by an impatient driver.

Pain is the constant companion. You try falling asleep with arthritic pains in the joints and wake up with swollen feet or tooth ache. If you wake up without feeling any pain, better look around. You might have woken up at Peter’s gate – ready to be dispatched to heaven, or most likely hell. You soon realize that life is like a river; it never moves backwards and is carrying you inexorably to the same destination as others.

As an economist, I have grown up living my life on carefully planned budgets. Consequently, I have never had to borrow; and, thank God, never been totally broke. Two weeks ago, I was clearing my archives, preparing to go and came across a 1979 diary in which all anticipated monthly expenses were listed. Provisions for health accounted for 12 per cent and they were seldom exhausted. Today, medical bills consume 45 per cent of income and sometimes they are exceeded. Nothing less than N350,000 goes into the fight to get steadily tired. It is now the highest item on the monthly budget. In 1979, I worked for my family and me; in 2025, I work for doctors and pharmacists and Uber drivers.

Want to live to 100 or 120? Think again. There is very little enjoyment in it.

END OF EMERGENCY RULE IN RIVERS AND CONSEQUENCES

“Wisdom in people consists of the anticipation of consequences” – Norman Cousins.

“A precedent embalms a principle” – William Scott, 1745-1836.

Governor Fubara is back; and his adversaries in the ruling party are rejoicing. They are entitled to their victory laps because politics is basically a power play – unlike statesmanship which requires more wisdom. Politicians always plan for the next election; they want to control power NOW and tomorrow can go to blazes. Statesmen consider deeply the precedents they establish before they act.

I refrained from commenting on the declaration of emergency in Rivers State because it was another example of Nigerian politicians at their very worst. They all think short term. I searched in vain for my copy of the book written by Nelson Mandela, 1918-2013, titled, TIME IS LONGER THAN ROPE. The greatest African who has lived, till now, was still in prison, with little hope of ever getting out, when the book was smuggled out and published. In it, Mandela made one central point: Those in power today should always remember that no matter how long they rule, the precedents they establish might come to haunt them or their descendants. He never thought he would become President of South Africa. He served one term and stepped aside. The country has slipped into the hands of mere politicians since then; and the people can feel the difference.

Sooner or later, the precedent of imposing emergency rule will come to haunt Nigerian politicians because it has opened the flood gates for any president in the future to foment trouble in any state governed by the opposition and use that as an excuse to declare emergency rule. Furthermore, if it can be done with impunity in one state, what stops a president in the future from suspending elected governors in five, 10, 20 states? Those who connived to establish this example might be happy they have got away with a frightful power show. They do so because, typical Africans, they fail to learn from their own history right here in Nigeria.

The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, was a pathetic opposition party throughout the episode because its members in the National Assembly had been depleted by the APC poaching them. Yet, selling out the mandate given by voters, after the election, was first encouraged by the PDP in the Fourth Republic. When the PDP lured Senators Dosumu, Ogunlewe and Obanikoro, elected on the mandates of AD/ACN, the late Chief Vincent Ogbulafor was boasting that the “PDP will rule for 70 years”. He was still alive when PDP rule ended. My childhood friend, Bode George, was a chieftain of the PDP who was there as each renegade senator received the grand welcome into the PDP. Ogbulafor is dead, Bode is alive and he can see how time delivers judgments eventually. The PDP, which was moving Nigeria towards a one-party state, is now in intensive care and those whose members were being poached before are now paying PDP back in its own crooked coins.

Unfortunately, the APC is towing the same line as the PDP. It is muscling the opposition, coercing people into submission and establishing models which others might follow if the party ever falls out of power. Nobody can be sure it wouldn’t be defeated.

“Fiat Justina et ruant coeli (Latin) meaning Let justice be done, though the heavens fall” – Lord Mansfield, 1705-1793.

The Nigerian judiciary, already in disrepute, did not play its role well in this episode. It allowed a grave constitutional matter to remain untouched until the emergency period was over. It was not the court’s finest hour – even for a court which has had few instances which would have made Nigerians proud. By contrast, courts in the United States, from High Courts to Appeal Courts and the Supreme Court, have decided several dozen cases involving the Presidency and others in the same period. They have made pronouncements establishing the limits of presidential power. In one case, which I followed, a man had been deported on Trump’s orders. His lawyers went to a Federal High Court to contest the legality of the act. The court actually ordered that the fellow be brought back to the US and the FG could present its case for deportation.

Why was it not possible for a Nigerian High Court to force the FGN to defend its emergency rule before implementing it? Having failed to do their duties, Nigeria’s judiciary has set other arguments in motion. Will Fubara leave on May 29, 2027, like other governors or will he be entitled to six months added on? What happens if the emergency rule proclamation is unconstitutional? Will all the appointments and contracts authorized by Ibas be null and void?

A spineless judiciary is worse than none. It endangers democracy and itself.

Credit: Dele Sobowale

Oyo court freezes 30 UBA accounts in Osun LG funds dispute

The heated legal dispute over the control of local government allocations in Osun State escalated on Thursday, October 2, 2025, after a fresh court order mandated the United Bank for Africa to freeze 30 accounts opened by the court-sacked All Progressives Congress council bosses.

The interim injunction was secured by the 30 currently elected council chairmen, marking another judicial blow against the former APC officials attempting to access statutory funds.

The Certified True Copy (CTC) of the order, signed by the Principal Registrar of the Oyo State High Court, Mrs. B. O. Somide, was obtained by our reporters on Friday.

The order granted by the Oyo State High Court, sitting in Ibadan, presided over by Justice A. L. Akintola, following an ex-parte motion filed by the elected chairmen.

The court order specifically bars UBA from paying, releasing, or tampering with funds deposited in the 30 local government accounts where the Central Bank of Nigeria had lodged the disputed statutory allocations.

The claimants, including Sarafadeen Awotunde and five others, representing all 30 council chairmen and councillors in Osun State, had argued that urgent judicial intervention was required to safeguard the funds.

Counsel to the claimants, Olalekan Adeoye Esq., who moved the suit (Suit No. 1/1167/2025) at Court No. 5, argued that “unless the court intervened urgently, the funds could be dissipated illegally by the ousted APC chairmen, thereby causing irreparable harm to the lawful administrations of the councils.”

Agreeing with the claimants, Justice Akintola held that the matter required immediate judicial protection.

In his ruling dated October 2, 2025, the Judge declared: “Having carefully considered the claimants/applicants’ motion ex-parte together with the supporting affidavits and exhibits, this court is satisfied that the claimants/applicants have successfully made out a case for urgent and timely intervention as any delay in granting the interim orders might foist irreversible harm on them.”

Consequently, the court issued two main directives. The first was an order of interim injunction “restraining UBA from paying, releasing, disbursing, or tampering with funds in the disputed local government accounts.”

The second key directive was “an order of mandatory injunction mandating UBA to place a ‘Post No Debit’ (PND) lien on the affected accounts pending the hearing of the substantive motion on notice.”

The accounts affected cover all 30 local governments in Osun State, ranging from Atakumosa East to Osogbo Local Government Area, each individually listed with the corresponding account number at UBA.

This latest injunction follows a similar one secured by the Osun State Attorney-General against the same accounts just last week.

Justice Akintola adjourned the hearing of the substantive motion on notice for interlocutory injunction to October 9, 2025.

(Punch)

Court orders suspension of motor tinted glass police permit enforcement

Nigeria’s Federal High Court sitting in Warri, Delta State, on Friday ordered the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) and the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) to suspend the enforcement of the tinted glass permit by vehicle owners.

The court asked the police and the IGP to maintain the status quo and “respect judicial processes pending further proceedings in the matter.”

The court issued the interim order as hearing opened in Suit No. FHC/WR/CS/103/2025, instituted by legal practitioner John Aikpokpo-Martins against the Inspector-General of Police and the Nigeria Police Force.

John Aikpokpo-Martins, legal practitioner, approached the court to challenge the legality of the new tinted permit enforcement.

In the interim order, the Court directed the police authorities to “respect judicial processes pending further proceedings in the matter.”

Senior Advocate Kunle Edun, SAN, who led the legal team for the petitioner, confirmed the development to journalists and noted that “the directive is a major step in ensuring that the rule of law is upheld while the substantive issues in the case are being determined.”